[MINUTES.]-The Solicitor General obtained leave to bring in a bill to explain and amend an act passed in the 14th of his present Majesty, the object of which was to explain and amend an act pasted in the 10th of Anne, for regulating the mode of selling interest on direct or collateral securities.Mr. D. Parker Coke presented a petition from the insolvent debtors of Nottingham, praying relief. It was ordered to lie on the table.-Mr. T. Grenville reported from the Committee appointed to try the merits of the petition against the return for Midhurst, that the committee found E. Turner, Esq. the sitting member to be duly elected, and the petition against his return frivolous and vexalious. The Attorney General introduced a bill for indemnifying all such persons as have been concerned in carrying into effect an order of council, allowing the exportation of a certain quantity of seed corn to Portugal. The bill was read a first time, and ordered for a second reading to-morrow. Mr. Corry moved for a variety of accounts relative to the finances, the manufactures and the commerce of Ireland. Among the most important were, accounts of the ordinary and extraordinary sources of Irish revenue; the arrears and balances in the hands of the commissioners of the treasury; the value of the imports and exports, distinguishing articles of Irish produce; the number of vessels which have cleared out of the ports of Ireland, with the amount of their tonnage, and the number of seamen and boys, by whom they were navigated; an account of the Irish public funded and unfunded debt; an account of the money voted for the service of last year which remains unexpended; an account of the application of 650,000l. voted for the extraordinary services of the army; an account of the application of 166,000l. voted for secret purposes. All the accounts to be made up from the 5th of January 1803, to the same period in 1804. These, with a number of other accounts of inferior importance, were or dered. [BARRACKS.] Mr. Calcraft wished to know whether estimates of the expenses of the barrack department were meant to be laid before the House. He thought this a subject of the first importance, and highly worthy of investigation. The Chancellor of the Exchequer professed his readiness to grant every paper which could put the House in possession of the fullest information on the subject. The Secretary at War stated, that the papers alluded to, were prepared, and would be produced as they were regularly moved. for. On the suggestion of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the papers were ordered to be produced. The other orders being dis posed of, the House adjourned. HOUSE OF LORDS. Tuesday, February 7. [MINUTES.]-Mr. Adam was heard as counsel, and evidence was adduced, for the claimant in the Zouche peerage. The farther consideration was deferred till this day se'nnight.-The annual account of the proceedings of the commissioners for paying off the national debt was brought up, and ordered to lie on the table.-The Scotch appeal, Napier v. Napier, was allowed to be withdrawn by mutual consent. [QUEEN ANNE'S ANNUITIES.]-The Earl of Suffolk, adverting to a subject which he touched on last Session of Parliament, wished to know in what manner certain annuities granted in the reign of Queen Anne, amounting to upwards of 46,000l. arising from a capital of 877,000l. which had fallen in during the present year, and a sum of about a million of capital which would fall in, in the course of next year, were to be applied. Lord Hawkesbury said, that in the annual accounts laid before the House the sums alluded to by the noble earl would undoubtedly be accounted for, and the mode of their appropriation pointed out. [VOLUNTEERS.]-The Earl of Suffolk confessed himself satisfied on this head, but said there was another point of great importance, to which he wished to call the attention of the House. The subject he alluded to was the volunteers. He should now merely touch on the point, as the decision of the court of King's-Bench of yesterday, had rendered it unnecessary for him to take the ground, which, in the event of a contrary judgment, he should have found himself called on to occupy. He felt no hesitation in giving it as his opinion, that, in the event of a contrary decision, every volunteer in the kingdom would have retired in disgust. He in tended, in that event, to have submitted a motion to the consideration of the House, which he should now read. As his lordship was proceeding to read the motion, he was called to order by Lord Walsingham, who objected to any motion being read which was not properly before the House. The Earl of Suffolk asserted his right to make any motion which he might think consistent with the discharge of his duty. The Lord Chancellor also spoke to order. The noble earl, as he understood him, had only stated, that if an event had not taken place, he intended to have submitted his motion to the House. In this view of the case, Lord Walsingham was correct in objecting to its being read. If, however, it was the noble earl's intention to submit it to the House, he was clearly intitled so to do. The Earl of Suffolk said, that it surely was his intention to submit his motion to the consideration of their Lordships, though, on account of the decision to which he had alluded, he should abstain from the remarks he must otherwise have made. He concluded, by moving, that a committee of naval and military officers, Members of this House, be appointed to advise with. government respecting the volunteers, and to recommend such measures as they may think advisable for rendering them most serviceable and efficient. Lord Hawkesbury could not think the motion of the noble earl exactly well timed. He could not be ignorant that the servants of government had pledged themselves immediately to bring the question of the volunteer system before Parliament. Whatever, therefore, the noble earl had to propose on that subject, he would then have an opportunity of bringing forward. As all questions, however, of this nature were supposed to originate in his Majesty's mi nisters, it was but fair, in the first place, to allow them an opportunity of declaring their ideas on the subject, and of seeing how far those ideas met the general sentiment. That ministers had consulted the most skilful and celebrated commanders in this country, was a fact. The assembling a council, however, consisting of such men, would, he conceived, be inexpedient, unparliamentary, and impracticable. Persons of this description were, in the present si tuation of the country, scattered up and down, engaged in remote but necessary service. Supposing, therefore, that the measure were parliamentary, and that it were practicable, would it be prudent and expedient, at such a moment, to enter into the measure proposed by the noble earl? The Earl of Suffolk said, that it consisted with his knowledge, that in the corps with which he was conneeted, had it not been for the decision to which he had alluded, every man in the corps, both officer and private, would have thrown down their arms. It was the duty of government to conciliate the volunteers, not to disgust. them. Had the measure which he now proposed been at once adopted, the explanatory bill, alluded to by the noble lord, would have been rendered unnecessary.He had not proposed a general council of military officers, but one composed of mem`bers of that House, who might have been called together without inconvenience. It had been said, that great military characters had been consulted. He could however say, that many of the first military, characters in the country, with whom he was acquainted, had not been consulted on the subject. The motion was put and negatived without a division. HOUSE OF COMMONS. Tuesday, February 7. This day a ballot was appointed to take place for a Committee to try the merits of the petition respecting the late election for Southwark; and also a ballot for another Election Committee: but at four o'clock only 98 members were in the House. and it being necessary, according to order, that 100 members should be present before any ballot could commençe, the House adjourned till to-morrow. HOUSE OF LORDS. Wednesday, February 8. The Scotch appeal, Graham v. Weir, which stood for hearing this day, was, on the motion of the Lord Chancellor, postponed till Friday next.-Several accounts and documents were presented from the Commissioners of the Customs, which principally respected the wine trade with Portugal; certain parts of the East-India trade; and the number of vessels employed in the Russia trade, &c. which were ordered to lie on the table.- After a few observations, in an under-tone of voice, were interchanged between the Lord Chancellor, the Duke of Norfolk, and Lord Walsingham, the evidence given before the Committee of Privileges relative to the claim to the Zouch Peerage, was ordered to be printed for the use of their lordships-Some private business was then disposed of, after which the House adjourned till Friday. HOUSE OF COMMONS. Wednesday, February 8. [MINUTES.] Before the gallery was opened, we understand that Sir John William Anderson presented a petition from Messrs. Boydells, which he prefaced by observing, that the exertions of those gentlemen had tended, in the greatest degree, to encourage the arts in this country. Before, they undertook an extensive and liberal speculation connected with that subject, scarcely any other prints worth looking at were to be seen but French prints, imported here; but through the means of their efforts, the graphic productions of this country had obtained an extensive circulation upon the Continent, as well as they had de servedly attained a decided superiority at home. Unfortunately, however, the French revolution, that curse upon the human race, had in a great measure put a stop to the circulation upon the Continent of those productions. The Messrs. Boydells it was almost needless to state, were highly honourable men. Mr. John Boydell was a member of the court of aldermen, and had served the offices of sheriff and lord mayor of the city of London; he was now at the advanced age of 85, and wished to be enabled to lay his head upon his pillow with the conscious, satisfaction of having discharged all the demands of his creditors. The prayer of the petition was, that leave might be 1 given to bring in a bill to enable Messrs. Boydells to dispose of their magnificent collection of prints by way of lottery. The petition was received without opposition, and ordered to be referred to a Committee to report their opinion thereon to the House. : -The House proceeded to ballot for two Committees, to try the merits of the petitions complaining of undue elections at Southwark and Durham, when the following members were chosen to try the Southwark petition Wm. Burroughs, Esq.; R. Holt Lee, Esq.; James Buller, of West Looe, Esq.; G. P. Moore, Esq.; Sir Wm.Paxton; James Portèr, Esq.; John Palmer, Esq.; C. Chaplin, Esq.; James Traile, Esq.; James Farquhar, Esq.; D. North, Esq.; Hon. G. Lowry Cole; John Baker, Esq.-The Speaker then stated that the petitioner having waved his right of appoint ing a nominee out of the members present at the time of the ballot, he observed that the Act of Parliament made no provision for the case of two Committees being appointed for the same day, for there was no clause forbidding the members, in chusing a nomince, to fix upon a member who might be drawn upon the other Committee, which would certainly be productive of great inconvenience. The members then withdrew and chose D. P. Coke, Esq. The nominee for the sitting member is T. B. Bernard, Esq. -The members chosen to form the Durham Committee were: T. D. Lambe, Esq.; C. Mills Esq.; Right Hon. Thomas Steele; Right Hon. Lord G. Thynne; Theophilus Metcalfe, Esq.; W. S. Stanhope, Esq.; R. Archdale, Esq. Sir M. Le Fleming; J. Langham, Esq.; H. Sibthorpe, Esq. Geo. Anth. Le Keck, Esq.; John Dent, Esq.; honourable George Cranfield Berkeley, &c. -Nominees. J. Raine, Esq.; Lord Dunlow. The commissioners for the reduction of the national debt, brought up their annual account for the year ending the 31st January, 1804. Ordered to lie on the table. Mr. Secretary Yorke moved, that there be laid before the House, an account of the different sub-division muster rolls throughout the kingdom. Ordered.. Petitions were presented from the prisoners confined for debt in the gaols of Maidstone and Ayles. bury, praying for relief. Ordered to lie on the table. The Sheriffs of London appeared at the bar, with petitions from the aidermen, &c. of the city of London, praying, that the powers granted by former acts be enlarged, for raising a further sum of money for improving the port of London, and for widening the entrance into the city by Temple Bar. The petitions were referred to a Committee. The Duke of York's Estate Bill, and the Portugal Corn Indemnity Bill, were read a second time, and committed for to-morrow. The Secretary at War brought up the estimate of the barrack department for 1804. Ordered to be printed. [CONDUCT OF GENERAL FOX.]—Admiral Berkeley.-Sir, it is not at present my intention to press the motion of which I gave notice before the recess, for the production of certain papers respecting the insurrection in Dublin on the 23d of July last, and the conduct of the Irish government upon that emergency. The principal object of the motion of which I formerly gave notice, was to throw as much light as possible on the conduct of an hon. relative of mine (General Fox) upon that occasion, as I had conceived that some expressions which were made use of by some right hon. members of this House, implied a strong reflection on the character of that gallant officer. As I am now, however, given to understand, that those who made use of the expressions to which I allude, expressly disavow any intention of criminating that brave and meritorious officer, I feel it no longer necessary to press the motion of which I formerly gave notice. Mr. Secretary Yorke.-Sir, although it is, perhaps, not strictly regular in me to offer any observations upon the hon, member's choosing to withdraw his motion, yet I must say I am extremely glad, that, upon consideration, he has thought proper to pursue this course; and it gives me the more pleasure, as I feel perfectly convinced that it never could have been the intention of his Majesty's ministers, and I am sure it was never my intention, in any manner to criminate that gallant officer, whose merit and whose services we are very willing to acknowledge. - Sir John Wrottesley. — Sir, it gives me much pleasure to hear from one of his Majesty's ministers so honourable a testimony of the merit of the gallant officer who has devoted his lite to the interests of his country; but when I consider the circumstances attending the late rebellion in Ireland, I cannot but feel convinced that there must have been in some quarter the grossest negligence and inattention; it therefore appears to me, that the House would not act consistent with the public duty, in suffering this business to rest here without further examination. I therefore give notice, that, on Monday se'night, I shall move for the production of certain papers, which I conceive necessary for the information of the House upon this subject.' [VOLUNTEER CONSOLIDATION BILL Mr. Secretary Yorke, agreeable to his notice on a former day, rose to move for leave to bring in a bill for consolidating and explaining the existing acts for the regulation of the volunteer establishment. The right hon. gent. prefaced his motion by a speech to the following purport: Sir, although what may be conceived to be necessary in opening the measure with which it is my intention to conclude, might easily be confined within a very small compass, yet as the subject, generally, is one of the greatest interest, and has been the object of long expectation, I hope I shall be indulged by the House in going into considerable detail. I shall preface my remarks, Sir, by expressing a hope, that the subject will be considered with the utmost coolness and impartiality. When the defence of the country is the matter under discussion, it is not presuming too much to entertain the hope, that party spirit will not enter into our deliberations, that we shall only think of the most effectual means of resisting that enemy who menaces the destruction of all that is dear to us as the inhabitants of a free country. I hope I do not carry my expectation too far, when I express a hope that gentlemen will not shew themselves inclined to increase that clamour which has been raised against the volunteer system, for what reason I know not, by a certain description of persons, who do not wish well to the country, and whose last resource of malignity is to set the government against the volunteers and the volunteers against the government. Against such persons, if such persons exist, I wish more particularly to guard the volunteers, as the worst enemies of their establishment, and the most dangerous foes of their country. I am anxious also, Sir, that gentlemen should view the volunteer system not only in its defects, its difficulties, or its inconveniencies. It is at least fair to contemplate the system as a whole, and not to hold forth individual instances of difficulty and inconvenience, as arguments against an establishment essentially connected with the safety of the empire at a most perilous crisis.-On the present occasion it is not my object to introduce any thing very new, pointed, or extraordinary. From experience it must have been obvious, that measures dictated by temperance and moderation were those which it was most prudent to adopt and pursue. Whatever are the measures of improvement to be adopted, they must be such as are suggested by imperious necessity, and such as are essential to the correction, not merely of incidental abuses, but of the radical deficiencies of a general system.-Having made these preliminary observations, I will now proceed to the substantial considerations on which my motion is to be founded. Before, however, I go into the detail of the circumstances which prove the necessity of a new bill for the purpose of explaining and amending the Jaws for the regulation of the volunteer institution, it will not be improper to say a few words respecting the use and purposes of such an institution, the history of its original formation, the actual circumstances in which it is now placed, the inconveniencies which are admitted to exist, and others which, though held out as inconveniencies, could not be proved such in point of law and of fact. While I enter on these topics, it is of course, at the same time, my object to point out the remedies which appear most applicable to existing defects, and the improvements which are conceived to be the most adapted to complete the perfection of an establishment at all times useful, but more peculiarly important at a crisis when the fate of the whole empire is involved. These remedies are to be obtained, and these improvements are to be effected, by a very simple process. They are such remedies as depend on the implied prerogative of the sovereign, or they are such improvements as are fully within the reach of the legislature. As to the nature and purposes of the volunteer establishment, it will not be necessary for me to take up much of the time of the House. It is hardly necessary for me to advert to the present situation of the country, to the present enormous aggrandisement of French power, contrasted with the humiliated condition of the rest of the continent of Europe. Even with reference to a defensive system, it will not, I believe, be contended by any gentleman, that a larger additional military force is not necessary than in any former period of our history. Great and powerful as our navy now is, it would be improvident and criminal in the highest degree, to trust to the exertions of our sailors the defence of the United Kingdom. We have to consider the immensity of coast which was to be guarded. This was an extent of no less than 2 500 miles; and with such a compass of territory to protect, it behoved us to use all those means of protection which were placed in our hands. While I admit that the navy of this country, however powerful and victorious as it has long been, is not adequate to the protection of our coasts against a most inveterate enemy; it is, at the same time, necessary to declare, that we have not the means of keeping up such a regular army as can at all secure the protection of Great-Britain and Ireland against the menaced invasion of a most formidable power. In a military point of view, perhaps, the regular force of the country could, under particular arrangements, and by the observance of the most rigid economy, be augmented to a certain extent. I do not, however, think, that the regular force, now amounting to about ninety-thousand, could be augmented to any very considerable amount, if any regard was to be paid either to views of constitutional liberty, or any considerations of financial resources. Defi. ciencies in our regular military establish ment may and will be filled up, but the augmentation to our regular standing force, cannot be expected to be of such a nature as to weigh much in the scale. At present the militia of Ireland amounted to 18,000, and, during the late war, they were more numerous by nearly 2000. With respect to this part of the national establishment in that part of the United kingdom, I certainly can entertain no wish of any augmentation. On the other hand, a large proportion of the regular army from this country, is necessary for the protection of this part of the empire, against intestine commotion or foreign attack. Under these circumstances, Sir, it became a matter of policy, as well as of necessity, to call on the services of that proportion of the people who were able to carry arms, and submit to the labours of military discipline. These services have been required by the acts passed in the last session of Parliament. The principle of the acts then passed was, that a great proportion of the population should be trained to the the use of arms, and that their discipline should be accomplished at the least possible expense to the state. I need not remind the House that the principle of the volunteer establishment is far from being novel in its nature. It was a principle first introduced during the Shelbourne administration, near the close of the American war. It was revived in 1794, from the circumstances in which the country was then placed. From that period it has continued in full activity, and was then made the subject of legislative enactment. At that period it was acknow ledged as a part of a new system arising out of the new circumstances of the country, and the idea of exemptions was considered to be essential to its existence. Under this original voluntary establishment, where there was very little legislative enactment, but where almost every thing was left to the corps themselves, except in cases where actual service might be required, the number of volunteers throughout the kingdom was not below one hundred and fifty thousand. It was not then judged expedient to control those bodies by many positive enactments, and the consequence had been, that under these ン |