The Earl of Limerick rose to second the Address. Though he fully coincided in the sentiments expressed by the noble Marquis who had just sat down, yet he hoped the House would pardon him, if he felt it necessary to trespass upon their patience, by a few observations upon the speech itself. Their Lordships would observe, that in the subject at present before them, no questions were involved, as to the fitness or unfitness of ministers for the councils of their Sove reign; the topics before them were not masters of party consideration; they were of a comprehensive, general and important kind. and presented themselves to the attention of their Lordships in such a point of view, as induced him to trouble them with a very few observations thereon. The opening part of the Speech from the throne, very properly adverted to that impregnable state of protection, which the unprecedented vigour, energy, and unanimity of the population of the country held forth to an aggressive and unprincipled foe. This was such, (and it was with exultation he had to remark it,) as must make the enemy ever feel what he had to expect, in case he should provoke, by an attack upon its territory, the just vengeance of a nation, armed in defence of its independence, its liberties, and its invaluable constitution. A voluntary armament like the present could not be paralleled in the history of any country; not only with respect to the amount of numbers, but in the instance of the sense, nay, the feelings of the people being so clearly and forcibly expressed. As danger threatened, our spirits had increased; and never had energy more conspicuously distinguished any nation, even during the most arduous emergencies, than in the present contest. He was confident, that should the opportunity offer, of those patriotic bands signalizing themselves in action, they would evince themselves the genuine descendants of those who had so gloriously carried the terrors of the British arms into the heart of France, and bore away the palm of signal and complete victory at Cressy and Poitiers. When had there such a number of voluntary defenders stepped forward to vindicate the cause of their country? If he was rightly informed, there was at least half a million of men in arms, prepared and eager to meet the boasting foe. Indeed the country appeared to him as one vast camp, filled by armed myriads, who, instead of feeling a particle of dismay or apprehension, instead of evincing themselves a "nation of shopkeepers," as they had been tauntingly called by the enemy, ardently wished for nothing

so much as to be brought to the test of action. When we came to cope with our enemy in war, we displayed the same superiority, as when we contended with other traders in mercantile effort. We were not mere merchants who could traffic, but could not fight; not mere soldiers who could fight, without excelling in other arts; but in whatever we undertook we were superior. Greatly as he admired the volunteer-corps, yet, there was one circumstance which he wished to see different from what it now was; he wished that every corps of that kind, and also the militia, should have been engaged to serve in any part of the United Kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland, where cccasion might require a large portion of the national force: not only that the volunteers and militia should march to their own coasts, but also to the sister island, reciprocally and respectively, if they be want ed.

With

Meritorious as were their services, and momentous, even under the present tenure, yet he thought they would be still more valuable, if they were more extensive as to place; and he wished a clause to that effect had been introduced into that part of the defensive system, which recommended the formation of volunteer corps. such a numerous and effectual force, some persons asked, why were our operations almost entirely defensive? Why did we make no attempt at offensive efforts? Qur first and grand object was defence; the defence of our King, country, constitution, laws, religion, property, families, liberty, and lives, from the most cruel enemy that had ever annoyed the human race; and who was inflamed with peculiar hatred against this country, which alone had effectually resisted and repressed his lawless ambition. Unless we had made defence our principal and almost sole object, we could not have provided for our security and independence. Even now, though we had in a great measure ascertained our se curity by our strength, the vigilant hatred of our enemy would admit of no relaxation of our defensive exertions. He trusted, however, that in a short time we should be so secure, in point of defence, as to admit of offensive warfare. He could not withhold his just tribute of praise from that respectable board, to whose department more particularly belongs the arming of the troops and volunteer force of the country, for their almost miraculous exertions, within the short period of a few months, which had enabled them to issue, if he was rightly informed, above 300,000 stand of arms. Such exer tions, though they merited peculiar com

mendation, were only, he was well assured, a specimen of the vigour and alacrity which universally pervaded every department connected with the public force.The next point of the speech to which he would advert, was that in which his Majesty stated, that while every exertion was directed, in the first instance, to provide for our internal safety at home, yet his arms abroad had been directed to the attainment of new and important acquisitions of territory in the West-Indies. To the wisdom of such conduct, every praise was due. Until our security at home should be placed out of all possible risk, it would be quixotism to direct our arms to projects of foreign conquest; but that security_once ef fected, it became the wisdom and vigour of his Majesty's councils, to seek every means of annoying the enemy abroad; and the new acquisitions in the West-Indies his lordship hailed as an omen of new triumphs to our arms, to which, the state of forwardness in number and equipment of our public force, unparalleled at so early a period of the war, must enable us speedily to make many valuable additions.-His lordship next adverted to that part of his Majesty's speech which alludes to the concerns of Ireland. He had, on a former occasion, feelingly to lament, the misfortunes which had then arisen in that part of the United Kingdoms: with respect to these, on the present view of that subject, much matter for satisfactory consideration was afforded; the principal leaders in that wicked and flagitious insurrection had since met that fate they so justly deserved. The numbers of those who were embarked in that wretched cause, were certainly contemptible; yet their attempts were matter for precautionary consideration. He had, since the period alluded to, resided in Ireland, and had taken some pains to be correctly informed upon the subject; he had reason to think, that several of those who were deeply engaged in traitorous machinations against the constitution and unity of these kingdoms, differed materially among themselves as to the plan most expedient to be pursued: Some urged the expediency of an immediate rising, while others preferred waiting for the assistance or co-operation of France. explosion, therefore, had prematurely broken forth. He sincerely wished, however, that the hopes held out in the speech, that those who had been unhappily misled into the paths of treason and rebellion, would, by comparing the effects of that mild and lenient system of government under which they had the good fortune to live,

The

with those of that tyrannical and unprincipled usurpation to which they were about to commit their country, would be induced to return to their allegiance, and to habits of tranquillity. Added to this consideration, he trusted the disaffected in that country would be kept down by the strength and vigilance of the Irish Volunteer force. Of that body of men, he could speak in terms of well founded panegyric: he had seen them, and steadier and better disciplined troops were no where to be found: they were confidently to be relied upon: it was not for review and parade alone that they were cal culated, they had been weighed in the balance of actual service, and proved themselves not to be deficient. Here the noble earl adverted to the militia force of the United Kingdom, and avowed himself convinced, as he had done on a former occasion, of the superior policy of reciprocal service. After viewing the effects of the militia system as it now stood, he expressed his wish that these forces, of every part of the United Kingdom, were enabled by law reciprocally to volunteer their services. With respect to the militia of Ireland, he argued for the superior policy of employing them partially, at least, in this country. Such a measure would be, he seemed to think, in strict consonance with the spirit of the union. There might exist an aversion on the part of the English and Scotch militia to crossing the sea; but he repeated his opinion, that with respect to the Irish militia, they would, if brought to this country, behave as well as any troops possibly could. -His lordship then entered upon the consideration of the remaining topics of his Majesty's speech. In regard to the pecu. pecuniary part of it, he must anticipate the most perfect unanimity, with respect to the affording the necessary supplies under the present circumstances. In regard to the convention lately entered into with the King of Sweden, it had his hearty approbation, conceiving it was grounded on principles, which would tend to do away those embarrassments which heretofore obtained on the trade of the respective countries; and, further, he was of opinion it would have the desirable operation of counteracting the effects of the armed neutrality. In former contests Great Britain had been greatly annoyed by disputes about the maritime law, and the rights of neutral nations trading with belligerent powers; but this convention adjusted every difference that had arisen, concerning the interpretation of the treaty which defined our maritime right in these cases. He had to apologize to their

lordships for trespassing so much upon their attention. Yet, there was one other point, respecting which he could not possibly refrain from offering a word or two; namely, that part of his Majesty's most gracious speech, wherein he expressed his determination personally to come forward in defence of the honour of his crown, and the liberties and independence of his faithful people. To a communication of this nature, he trusted there was no heart so cold, or feelings so deadened, as not to beat respon. sive to the intimation, or feelingly to appreciate, in its full extent, its magnitude and importance. Well may his Majesty rely upon the zeal and services of his people. Should such a contingency ever arise, the whole population of the island would rush forward, and interpose its myriads between his sacred person and danger: though an attack should be made by hosts gorged with the spoils and blood of Europe, the result would be, not only security, but triumph to our beloved Sovereign and those who have the happiness to live under his auspicious government. Upon the whole, he was induced to think, that, from the present favourable appearance of the national affairs, and the system adopted by government, that such effects would ensue as must tend to the establishment of a real, permanent, and honourable peace, because founded on the genuine balance of power in Europe, and duly regarding the liberties and independance of the various states concerned, and above all, on the broad principle of reciprocity of benefit and advantage. The noble earl concluded with expressing his hearty concurrence with the address.-The question was put, and the address was immediately voted nem. diss.-A committee of their lordships then retired formally to prepare the address, and on their return the Marquis of Sligo reported from the same, when the House ordered that the lords with white staves should wait upon his Majesty to-morrow with the said address.

[COMMITTEE OF PRIVILEGES 1-Lord Hawkesbury moved that Lord Walsingham be appointed chairman of the committee of privileges for the present session.

The Lord Chancellor, in seconding the motion, took an opportunity to pay an handsome compliment to the talents and assiduity which the noble lord, who was the subject of the motion, had displayed during so long a period, in his official capacity of chairman of their lordships' commit tees.-The question was put, and the appointment forthwith ordered by their lordships, nem, diss.

Lord Walsingham then rose, and observed, that he was not in the habit of trespassing upon the attention, or taking up the valuable time of their lordships; but, after what had just fallen from the noble and learned lord on the woolsack, he could not avoid saying a word or two on the occasion. He had to return his thanks to the House for this additional manifestation of their lordships' favourable opinion of his official conduct; he trusted he should persevere in that line of conduct which had met their lordships' approbation, which principally consisted in a strict and uniform adherence to the rules and orders of the House, without which the business could not be conducted duly to the honour of the House, or to the advantage of the public.-It was then ordered, on the motion of Lord Hawkesbury, that Lord Walsingham be appointed chairman of the committees of their lordships' House, except in cases where it shall be otherwise directed; and also that his lordship be appointed chairman of the private committees during the present session. The usual order respecting the committee of privileges was then made, on the motion of Lord Walsingham; as were the several routine orders usually made at the commencement of a session; after which their lordships adjourned till to-morrow.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

Tuesday, November 22.

The House met this day, pursuant to his Majesty's proclamation, for the dispatch of public business. About three o'clock the Deputy Usher of the Black Rod appeared within the bar, and delivered a message from the Lords, desiring the attendance of the House in the House of Peers to hear the speech from the Throne. The Speaker, accompanied by the members present, accordingly attended, in obedience to his Majesty's command. On their return, the Speaker took the chair, and acquainted the House, that, by virtue of the acts authori sing him so to do, he had issued his warrant to the Clerk of the Crown, directing him to make out a new writ for the election of a member to serve in parliament for the Borough of Yarmouth, in the County of Southampton, in the room of J. Murray, Esq. deceased; and also another for the County of Gloucester, in the room of the Marquis of Worcester, called to the House of Peers. Seven members were introduced and took the usual oaths and their seats; among whom were Mr. Yorke, Mr. Bragge, and

ed the House, that the clerk had, according to custom, prepared a bill for preventing clandestine outlawries. The bill was brought up and read a first and second time.

[KING'S SPEECH.]-The Speaker acquainted the House that the House had, in obedience to his Majesty's command, attended in the House of Peers, to hear his Majesty's most gracious Speech from the Throne; of which, to prevent mistakes, he had himself obtained a copy. He then proceeded to read the Speech from the chair, for which we refer to our account of the

proceedings of the Lords. (See p. 1.) After the Speaker had finished reading the Speech,

una.

The Hon. Cropley Ashley rose and spoke as follows. Sir; after having heard the sentiments expressed, and the statements contained in the Speech which has just now been read, it cannot appear out of season for me to congratulate the House on the state of the country as described in that Speech. The spirit, zeal, and nimity of all classes, and the voluntary exertions of every branch of the community, are unexampled in the annals of any country, and have so effectually provided for the defence and security of the kingdom, as to set all attempts of the enemy to make any impression on our coasts at defiance. I congratulate this House and the nation in general, that the prosperous state of our manufactures, and the great improvement of the public revenue, will enable the government to adhere to that excellent system of carrying on the war without any material addition to the permanent debt of the nation; a system which, if closely pursued, will infallibly disappoint the hopes of our foe, and render abortive every attempt of the enemy to destroy this country by delay, and to keep it in a constant state of alarm. From the exertions that every where appear around us, I think the country in a situation of the greatest security; and it is with conscious pride I have ob served, that, notwithstanding the extensive and vigorous system of internal defence that has been adopted, our arms have been carried abroad against the foreign possessions

of the enamy.

The valuable islands of St. Lucia, Tobago, St. Pierre, and Miquelon, and the settlements of Demarara and Essequibo, have been added to the British empire. The vigilance and wisdom of the administration which planned the expeditions against them, and the zeal, bravery, and spirit of the forces, by which such va

titled to the gratitude and acknowledgments of the country. In the short space of four months such advantages have been gained, as, in every former war, would have been reckoned glorious achievements for a whole campaign.-It is with the highest satisfaction I learn, that a convention has been concluded with Sweden, founded on the firmest basis of all treaties, the reciprocal advantage of both the contracting parties. -It is also matter of satisfaction and congratulation to know, that the affairs of Ireland now appear to wear a favourable aspect, and that the change has been brought about, without the necessity of employing those extraordinary means, which the difficulties of the times render it indispensably necessary to place in the hands of the Irish government. Such conduct must necessarily impress the deluded insurgents of that country, with a just sense of the blessings of the happy constitution, which it was the object of their wishes to destroy. The impartiality and regard to public justice, with which the several trials of the persons engaged in the rebellion, have been conducted, reflects the highest honour on those to whom the administration of the affairs of Ireland have been committed, and entitles them to the respect and gratitude of the country. His Majesty has expressed his hope, that such of his deluded subjects as have swerved from their allegiance are now convinced of their error, and that having compared the advantages they derive from the protection of a free constitution, with the condition of those countries which are under the dominion of the French government, they will cordially and zealously concur in resisting any attempt that may be made against the security and independence of the United Kingdom. If after such a comparison, any man can be backward or lukewarm in the cause of his country, let him call to his recollection the example of his Majesty, whose whole life has been devoted to the improvement and advantage of his subjects, and who has this day come forward and declared to his people his determination, to share with them the danger and the toil. This is not a war merely for military glory, for extended dominion, or for powerful allies; but a war forced upon us by an insolent foe, in defence the constitution, the laws, the religion of this kingdom; in defence of every thing dear and valuable to a people. people. Our conduct this night, will, I trust, shew, that whatever be the differences which premay vail amongst us in other respects, it is our

estimation is life itself in his mind, that the sacrifice of thousands, may of whole armies, is no impediment to his progress; if they would reflect on these circumstances, I think they could not for a mo. ment doubt, that he will attempt the invasion which he has threatened. What the event of that attempt will be, it is not for human wisdom to foresee, but this it may be fair to predict; that if, like the Swiss, the Dutch, or the Hanoverians, we wait, in a torpid or too confident security, until the enemy is at our gates, we shall share the fate of those unhappy countries; but if, on the contrary, we go forth with the spirit and the souls of Britons, to meet him. on our coasts; if we unite with one heart, and one hand, in defence of our country, we shall drive him back, with disgrace and discomfiture, to those who have raised him to the tyranny he usurps; where, like the Arch Fiend of old, he will return to his Pandemonium, and hear,

On all sides, from innumerable tongues,
A dismal, universal hiss-the sound
Of public scorn.

But, Sir, whatever may be the final issue of this contest; however glorious its termination may be to Great Britain, I shall always regret the revolution which it has produced in the manners and constitution of every state in Europe. For, Sir, the habits, perhaps the prejudices, of my education, have taught me to look with a jealous eye on every increase of military power; and I grieve to think, that while the military despotism of France exists, every nation must rely, for the protection of its liberties, not on its civil constitution, but on its military force. But, Sir, while this evil does exist, for I must call it an evil, though, I admit it to be a necessary evil, I rejoice to see the hands in which arms are placed. I rejoice to see a rank and file of property, I rejoice that arms are intrusted to those who will be induced by interest, as well as by principle, to use them in support of the laws and constitution of their country. Let me, Sir, draw a contrast between the military force of the two nations: in the one I see the wretched conscript dragged in chains to fight the battles of his tyrant; in the other I see free and independent volunteers rushing in such numbers, that it is necessary to restrain their ardour, and impossible to supply all of them with arms, to the defence of whom? Of the father of his people, the King of a free country, of the sovereign who comes

forth on this day, and pledges himself to his people, that, in the hour of peril, he will share their exertions and their dangers with them, in defence of our constitution, in defence of our religion, in defence of the laws and independence of his dominions.-Sir, I have purposely avoided entering into a detail of the different subjects touched upon in his Majesty's speech, because my hon. friend has dilated upon them in so ample and so clear a manner, that I am apprehensive of weakening the effect of his argument, by endeavouring to illustrate them. Gratitude, however, forbids my passing over in silence, the conduct of the British Navy. Of splendid achievements, indeed, the enemy has given them no opportunity; but the patience and perseverance with which they have continued to block up the ports of France, and the vigilance with which they have watched the motions of the enemy, so that I do not believe the smallest boat has escaped their notice, deserves our highest commendation. The conduct of the hon. Admiral, who commands the Channel fleet, in persevering to hold his station on the coast of France, in defiance of the storms and tempests incident to the season of the year, is above all praise.-I regret, Sir, that I cannot look back to the events which have taken place in Ireland with equal satisfaction. But though the seeds of rebellion have again germinated in that country, yet they have sprung from so weak a root, they have been cultivated by so unskilful a hand, and have been cut down at so early a period, by the vigilance of government, that I would willingly flatter myself the time is approaching when they will be finally eradicated. If, Sir, we may believe the dying declarations of the leaders of the insurrection, even they were not sunk so low, as to wish for a connection with France, or to be insensible to the horrors of French fraternity; and the trials have evinced, that the deluded people who joined them, were influenced more by former engagements, and oaths imposed on them, than by any conviction of the justice or advantage of the cause they espoused. I have already occupied so much of the time of the house, that I will not enlarge on the wound which we have inflicted on the foreign possessions of the enemy; while we have detained their fleets, blockaded in their own harbours, and scarce suffered a single gun-boat to skulk from port to part. At any other period those conquests would have been considered as an adequate compensation for the