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army; in which it was not to be expected, from its drawing into question the principles of military society, and the rights of every soldier in the army, that it could be treated without warmth and feeling. Where philosophy itself might be perplexed in her decision, passion would seem to be an imperfect and improper judge. There was scarcely a member of the army, from the general applicability of the last mentioned proceedings to himself, from the highest to the lowest gradation of rank, that did not feel himself most materially affected

determined quality of its principle, to the varying state of things; that it implies a supposed authority in the government, incompatible with the liberty and rights of the subjects of it regarding the one as every thing, the other unhappily as nothing.

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The rejection of colonel Capper's plan, for the amendment of the tent contract, the abolition of that engagement, the summary suspension and removal of the public servants, civil and military, the interference with the private rights of individuals, in the course of private litigation, and the counteraction of the ordinary administration of military law, so many instances, it may be said, of the reduction of this unhappy policy into action. But in arguing from effects to causes, reason is often bewildered, and it is unnecessary to depend on it here, when a safe and more satisfactory course offers itself; (subject, however, to some disadvantage) in the accounts given of his conduct by the governor to his constituents. In a future place, it may be requisite to refer to those accounts, and to examine in how much they confirm or repel the idea immediately expressed of the policy of Sir G. Barlow. At the present the mind is ready to catch at any circumstance, that may possibly be means of diverting the government from the perilous tenour of its councils, or the thoughts of men from dwelling on the effects of it.

This interference of Sir G. Barlow, with the customs of the army, and the rights of the profession, must be deemed the most fatal of the errors committed by him in the developement of the principles of his government; and if it be not seasonably renounced, it is easy to foresee that it will endanger the best and dearest interests of the state. They who have observed minutely the first measures of his policy, and the acts in which they have been exemplified, will not have much reason to hope that he may abandon the course pursued, though they may possibly form various opinions, according to their distinct views of things, of its merits, or its tendency. The policy of Sir G. Barlow, so far as it can be interred from the acts of his administration, immediately investigated, would appear to be a peremptory reliance, on every occasion, in the rigour of his measures, and the sugh of his authority to carry them into execution. And hence, result a perseverance in his first councils, and a strict exaction of obedience to them, let the submission cost what it will of feeling or of sacrifice in others. This policy, from the very commencement of his government, had an organized appearance,-In the midst of a deceitful tranquillity, a sort of constitutional habit, or rather the determined structure of a mechanic property, seeking its own ends. by fixed and undeviating mears, and neve stopping in its career, an e-s it should be opposed, by a superior physical resistance. The striking objections to the presumed policy of Sir G. Barlow's are, that it is unitted in the

About this time an occurrence took place, which was likely to give a temporary employment to the hands of a large party of the coast army; and to turn their eyes from objects at home, to more distant scenes and events, most interesting to military feeling.

hostilities commenced in a quarter whence nothing could have been anticipated, from disposition as well as power, but the most perfect good will. At the beginning of the year 1809, the period now considered, a large and simultaneous armament was ordered to be in readiness, from several divisions of the army, for marching into the

kingdom of Travancore. Of the sudden and unexpected rupture of the ancient alliance between the rajah and the company, and of the hostile operations which it induced, the succeeding chapter will treat. But the leaf of the present cannot be closed, without the expression of a wish, that this unfortunate event in itself may be productive of some consequences, that may diminish the evils naturally and necessarily flowing from a state of warfare. Sincerely must it be hoped, that the interval of hostility may give the governor an opportunity for reflection on his preceding measures, and on the principle in which they originated and may induce him to pause, ere he

pushes things to an extreme, when it may be equally as dangerous to retreat as to proceed that it may afford him leisure to look not only into himself, but to other sources beyond him, remote from interest, or agency, in the antecedent transactions, for the benefit of accumulated wisdom, and the aid of dispassionate advice, or, what is equally to be coveted, that in the occupation and bustle of the camp, and the interest of its concerns, the temper and passions of the army may have time to subside, and that nothing may arise hereafter to excite and embitter the recollection of the past.

CHAPTER III.

Description of the alliance between the king of Travancore and the East India company-first, without any specific engagement-invasion of the lines of Travancore the cause of the first war with Tippoo Sultaun-treaties since executed between the East India company and the rajah, but not published-by first treaty, executed in the time of lord Wellesleythe rajah agreed to maintain a subsidiary force of two battalions, afterwards of three, with a corps of artillery-part of the subsidy to be paid in pepper-fall of the price of that article-Subsidy demanded in money-supposed to have produced a misunderstanding between the two governments-an undisguised ill-will created between the British resident and dewan; each striving to work the removal of the other-obstacles existing in the way of the removal of the dewan, not applicable to the resident—similar minister removed at the Mahratta court, exactly on the same ground-another resident said to have been nominated to succeed colonel M'Caulley-colonel M'Caulley instructed to insist on the removal of the dewan-an indelicate task-Large body of troops detached from Trichinopoly, under colonel Macleod, in the month of December, towards Travancore-ordered to halt, after it had proceeded several days on its march-colonel Forbes ordered to proceed, in a like direction, with a king's regiment and two battalions of Sepoys-his march also countermanded, by an alleged stratagem of the dewan, who pretends an inclination to retire, and requests an escort of the British resident to favour his design, which is granted— on the night of receiving the escort, an armed force is sent by the dewan, to surround the house of the resident, which is without a guard-the troops, surrounding the house, fire at the casement where the resident stands, who miraculously escapes-colonel M'Caulley is bent on rushing out with his sword in hand, when prevented by a domestic, who suggest the means of escape, which is fortunately embraced-the resident and servant hide themselves within a secret recess, just as an armed party enter--they search the house without discovering the retreat at break of day, a vessel, under English colours, with troops on board, is discovered entering a neighbouring port, which induces the party to retreat; when the resident effects his escape to a ship, and writes to his government an account of the treacherous proceeding-this happens just at the conclusion of Decemberarmed force assembled at the dewan's house at Quilon-prudential conduct of colonel Cuppage in detaching troops, the 12th regiment and a Native battalion, to the relief of the subsidiary force-one of the vessels, on which a part of this force was embarked, obliged to put into Alipee through distress of weather, and want of necessaries-thirty-three soldiers and a medical officer treacherously betrayed on shore, and barbarously murdered-orders given by colonel Chalmers to captain Clapham, to proceed with five companies of the 4th Native regiment and a gun, to take post near the dewan's house-the height to which captain Clapham was directed, was already partially possessed by an adverse party of mena body of armed Nairs appear in front of the British detachment-are challenged

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and refusing to halt when required, are fired on by the British party, which is returned by the Travancore troops; one Sepoy killed, and a Native officer wounded-a more general attack ensues, when the Nairs are repulsed with slaughter-on the 31st of December, major Hamilton sent to seize the ordnance at the dewan's house, which he captures without loss→→ the guns, though ordinarily used in firing salutes, are found to be double-shotted-major H. afterwards ordered to oppose the passage of troops at the bar of Anjuvicha, which service he effectually achieves; and the enemy driven back with great loss-the enemy attempts to rally, and is again driven back-major Hamilton recalled, to prevent his being attacked from the rear-from the report of the appearance of vast numbers of the enemy, col. Chalmers takes post for a night at the fort of Quilon-moves out again to the cantonment in the morningreceives a reinforcement some days afterwards, of his majesty's 12th regiment, commanded by colonel Picton-on the 15th of January the enemy attacks colonel Chalmers, and is every where defeated, with the loss of 700 men in the field of battle, and of ten pieces of ordnance—the enemy takes up a position in front of colonel Chalmers's encampment; and detaches a large body against Cochin, which is most gallantly resisted and defeated by major Hewitt-thanks of the government given to colonel Chalmers and major Hewitt, and the officers and troops serving under them-The troops, before ordered to march from Trichinopoly and Seringapatam, again directed to proceed—the detachment from the latter place reach colonel Cuppage, who penetrates the frontier on the side of Malabar-account of the first movement of the force under lieut.-colonel M'Leod, and afterwards of colonel St. Leger from Trichinopoly, on the 20th of January-reached Palamcottah the 31stcolonel St. Leger arrived off the Arambooly lines, the 6th of February-causes of the war now proclaimed in a manifesto-ordered to be circulated in Travancore, and the adjoining districts-seems a direct declaration against the dewan-observations on the manifesto―the lines reconnoitred on the sixth and subsequent days, and stormed and carried on the 10th of February-description of the Arambooly lines-thanks of the government returned to colonel St. Leger, and the officers and men of his detachment-the Aramboolly gate fortified and garrisoned-numbers of the inhabitants flock to the British camp, under the terms of, the proclamation-the collector of Tinnevelly proposes to introduce the company's civil regulations into the conquered district; but is prevented by colonel St. Leger, who takes the responsibility of the act on himself—this detachment being reinforced from Ceylon, proceeds towards Cotar and Nagrecoil-dispositions made by colonel St. Leger for the attack on these villages-assault and defeat of the enemyhalts the detachment for one day-on the 19th of February, proceeds to Oodagherry and Papanaveram, which are surrendered without a shot-160 pieces of cannon, with a large quantity of ammunition, found at Oodagherry-colonel St. Leger receives a second vote of thanks from the government-after the possession of the last-mentioned places, colonel St. Leger receives various overtures for peace-these are referred to the residentin the mean time he consents to observe a neutral conduct-colonel St. Leger induced to keep his position from the nature of intelligence received from colonel Chalmers-afterwards encamps between Oodagherry and Calachee, a sea-port on the coast; whence he sends succours to colonel Chalmers-strengthens the defence of Calachee-description of the country lying between colonel St. Leger's camp and Quilon-colonel St. Leger receives intelligence of the demolition of the Southern lines by captain Townshend-afterwards receives orders to recommence hostilities, unless the king should give up his minister within a given time-colonel St. Leger marches with his detachment towards Trevandrum, on the 27th-information obtained, that the dewan had fled into the jungles on the northwestern part of Travancore-on the 28th, colonel St. Leger moves with the flank companies and cavalry, within three miles of the palace of Trevandrum, and is joined by the

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remainder of his force on the next morning-short review of the further operations of the subsidiary force at Quilon-the enemy makes a second attack on these lines, on the 31st of January; and is again repulsed with slaughter-colonel Chalmers, in his turn, attacks the enemy's lines, on the 21st of February-destroys their batteries, and takes seven pieces of ordnance enemy is dispersed in this quarter of Travancore-this force afterwards proceeds to within twelve miles of the enemy's capital, there ordered to halt until the conclusion of the treaty-proclamation, and reward offered for the apprehension of the dewanhe kills himself with his own hand-is brought to Trevandrum-exposed on a gibbettreaty signed-conclusion.

It may be necessary to premise, before entering into the particular circumstances of the war, alluded to at the conclusion of the preceding chapter, that a long and intimate friendship and alliance had subsisted between the East India company and the king of Travancore. This connection was not secured at first by any solemn compact, but was regarded always with as much good faith, as if it had been protected by the most formal and sacred obligations. During the existence of this alliance, the support of the rajah's territories and throne, in seasons of difficulty and danger, has not been nominal merely but substantial. A most remarkable instance of active friendship was afforded by the marquis Cornwallis, on a memorable occasion, when Tippoo Sultaun threatened, with a very formidable force, the invasion of the Travancore lines. At this juncture his lordship interposed, almost unasked, all the authority of the supreme government between his ally and the enemy, and saved his dominions from the impending attack. This seasonable service was not rendered, without much hazard and expense to the British government, being the avowed cause of the first war with the sovereign of Mysore.

In later times, when it had become more the practice, from the extent of our dominions, or the intricacy of our relations, to mark the nature of the company's alliances, by direct and explicit engagements, the king of Travancore, with other Asiatic potentates, had been required to enter into treaties of offensive and defensive aspect. Though these treaties are of very recent date, they are yet but little known, and from report, rather than from any

authentic source; instruments of this nature, being generally committed to the private custody of those, in charge of the company's archives. From this circumstance, it is impracticable, in most instances, for any but the parties to the treaties, to render an accurate account of their conditions; but they may be supposed, in this particular case, to be simple, and plain indeed.

The kingdom of Travancore may be said, in its geographical position, to be insolated, or cut off from the whole world, but the British Indian territory; our possessions completely hemming it in on three sides, and the Indian ocean on the fourth; a boundary scarcely less our own; beyond which it pursues no commercial speculations, nor has been known to maintain any public or political engagements. A power, so circumstanced could not be much perplexed in her diplomatic negotiations or ties. All her defence must be expected through the surrounding frontier of her friend; all her apprehensions, if she can entertain any, must arise from the same source. The utmost that such a state can have naturally to stipulate, is freedom from attack, or, at most, the quota of supply, that she should contribute to the common protection of a territory identified with her own. Yet it would seem, that this power, wholly under the covering wing of British influence, has been burthened with all the heavy trappings and incumbrances of ordinary Asiatic alliances, and has been doomed to bear the appointment of a regular resident, without any possible diplomatic occupation; and of a subsidiary force, without any practicable effect, but to check and overawe the state which it professes to

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