call of honor, patriotism and friendship." Jackson did not escape suspicion of being the inspirer, if he was not the promoter, of the Houston movement. Certainly the southwestern States viewed with satisfaction the probable outcome of Houston's endeavors. The Little Rock Journal expressed the hopes of that entire section of country when it said: "We shall, doubtless, hear of his raising his flag there shortly."

Following upon a revolution by which Santa Anna came to power in Mexico, Texas, in 1835, declared her independence of Mexico. In 1836 was fought the decisive battle of San Jacinto, which resulted in the rout of the Mexicans and the capture of Santa Anna. An account of this rebellion is given by the president's mentor, Henry A. Wise: "He [Houston] was instructed by Jackson not to fight Santa Anna a decisive battle until he reached the front of Gaines [the American general] on his pretended line, but to retreat across it, and then, if Santa Anna should pass it, Gaines was ordered to repel him by the arms of the United States. Houston was retreating under the secret understanding with Jackson. His officers and men were anxious to fight, conscious that they were able to conquer, and were indignant when Houston, at San Jacinto, still ordered retreat. Two by two and ten by ten, they refused to retreat, and, against orders, turned to fight, Houston's motives being misunderstood." Immediately after the battle of San Jacinto, Calhoun declared that the policy of the government dictated the recognition of Texas as an independent State, or its early annexation to the United States. In 1837, the Texan government was duly recognized by the United States, and, in August of that year, its minister at Washington, General Hunt, proposed annexation. Van Buren, however, did not favor this, for the development of the sentiment for creating new slave States out of Texas, if acquired, had become so strong that the president's endorsement of annexation would have been tantamount to an endorsement of the extension of slave territory. The

response given to General Hunt, however, stated as the reason for the country's refusal to consider favorably the proposition, that it was bound to Mexico by a treaty of amity and commerce which should be scrupulously observed, and the proposition "necessarily involved the question of war with that adversary" [of Texas]. Many of those who had originally disapproved of the cession of Texas to Spain were now opposed to its reacquirement in view of the sectional character which the question of annexation had assumed.

With the accession of the Whigs to power in 1840 the anti-slavery men became more confident of keeping Texas out of the Union, but we have seen that the succession of Tyler with his pro-Democratic sympathies dispelled their confidence. The colonization of Texas had been proceeding rapidly and had been pushed by the slavery extension advocates in order to insure a slavery status for the territory when eventually acquired. The presence of Webster in Tyler's Cabinet prevented the consummation of the plans of the Southern leaders for the annexation of Texas. But with Webster's resignation the coalition for the conquest of Texas did not hesitate to declare that to secure Texas would be to afford slavery a Gibraltar in the South, or, as Henry A. Wise expressed it, it would give "more weight to her [the South's] end of the lever." Southern legislatures and Southern newspapers took up the cry of "Now or Never!" They declared that the annexation would afford "a permanent guaranty of protection" to the slave system. The Madisonian, which was President Tyler's organ, affirmed that it would have a salutary influence upon slavery and that "it must be done soon, or not at all." The president held not only the reins of power, but was the dispenser of patronage; he not only counselled with a Cabinet practically unanimous in favor of slavery extension, but he was in close touch with leaders of Southern sentiment who had no official claim upon the president's consideration. In a speech in Congress in April, 1842, Wise permitted his ardor to control his eloquence, and disclosed the Texan

programme. Said he: "It is not only the duty of the government to demand the liquidation of our claims and the liberation of our citizens, but to go further, and demand the non-invasion of Texas. Shall we sit still here while the standard of insurrection is raised on our borders, and let a horde of slaves and Indians and Mexicans roll up the boundary line of Arkansas and Louisiana? No. It is our duty to say at once to Mexico, If you strike Texas, you strike us; and if England, standing by, should dare to intermeddle, and ask, Do you take part with Texas? his prompt answer should be, Yes, and against you. Such . . . was the spirit of the whole people of the great valley of the West." Advocated openly, the movement for annexation went rapidly forward.

In the winter of 1843 the extent of the combination for securing control of Texas was made clear by a letter in a Baltimore paper, purporting to be written by Thomas W. Gilmer, a member of the House of Representatives from Virginia. The importance of this letter, and certain internal evidences, pointed to the hand of Calhoun. If he did not write it, there is little doubt but that its reflection of his views can be accounted for more satisfactorily than by unconscious cerebration. Benton says that this letter, which was directed to "a friend" of Calhoun's [Duff Green], came like a flash of lightning from a clear sky. Benton describes its progress as follows: "And thus, conceived by one, written by another, published by a third, and transmitted through two successive mediums, the missive went upon its destination, and arrived safely in the hands of General Jackson. It had a complete success. He answered it promptly, warmly, decidedly, affirmatively. The answer was dated at the Hermitage, February 12, 1842, and was received at Washington as soon as the mail could fetch it. . . . It was to be produced in the nominating convention, to overthrow Mr. Van Buren, and give Mr. Calhoun the nomination, both of whom were to be interrogated beforehand; and as it was well known what the answer would be-Calhoun for and Van Buren against immediate annexation-and Jackson's