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THIRTY YEARS' VIEW.

ADMINISTRATION OF MARTIN VAN BUREN.

CHAPTER I.

INAUGURATION OF MR. VAN BUREN.

executive conduct which leaves little to my discretion, unless, indeed, I were willing to run counter to the lights of experience, and the known opinions of my constituents. We sedulously MARCH the 4th of this year, Mr. Van Buren cultivate the friendship of all nations, as the conwas inaugurated President of the United States dition most compatible with our welfare, and with the usual formalities, and conformed to the the principles of our government. We decline usage of his predecessors in delivering a public commercial relations on equal terms, being ever alliances, as adverse to our peace. We desire address on the occasion: a declaration of gen-willing to give a fair equivalent for advantages eral principles, and an indication of the general received. We endeavor to conduct our intercourse of the administration, were the tenor of course with openness and sincerity; promptly his discourse: and the doctrines of the demo-that mutual frankness which is as beneficial in avowing our objects, and seeking to establish cratic school, as understood at the original formation of parties, were those professed. Close observance of the federal constitution as written -no latitudinarian constructions permitted, or doubtful powers assumed-faithful adherence to all its compromises-economy in the administration of the government-peace, friendship and fair dealing with all foreign nations-entangling alliances with none: such was his political chart: and with the expression of his belief that a perseverance in this line of foreign policy, with an increased strength, tried valor of the people, and exhaustless resources of the country, would entitle us to the good will of nations, protect our national respectability, and secure us from designed aggression from foreign powers. His expressions and views on this head deserve to be commemorated, and to be considered by all those into whose hands the management of the public affairs may go; and are, therefore, here given in his own words:

the dealings of nations as of men. We have no disposition, and we disclaim all right, to meddle in disputes, whether internal or foreign, that their actual state, as social communities, and premay molest other countries; regarding them, in serving a strict neutrality in all their controversies. Well knowing the tried valor of our people, and our exhaustless resources, we neither anticipate nor fear any designed aggression; and, in the consciousness of our own just conduct, we feel a security that we shall never be called upon to exert our determination, never to permit an invasion of our rights, without punishment or redress."

and in adherence to them, promise to the United These are sound and encouraging views, States a career of peace and prosperity comparhave loaded so many nations with debt and atively free from the succession of wars which taxes, filled them with so many pensioners and paupers, created so much necessity for permapopulation in the predicament of living upon the nent fleets and armies; and placed one half the

labor of the other. The stand which the United "Our course of foreign policy has been so uni-States had acquired among nations by the vindiform and intelligible, as to constitute a rule of cation of her rights against the greatest powers

nent sources of discord and disaster supposed to lurk in our political condition, was the institudeeply impressed with the delicacy of this subtion of domestic slavery. Our forefathers were

-and the manner in which all unredressed aggressions, and all previous outstanding injuries, even of the oldest date, had been settled up and compensated under the administration of Presi-ject, and they treated it with a forbearance so dent Jackson-authorized this language from Mr. Van Buren; and the subsequent conduct of nations has justified it. Designed aggression, within many years, has come from no great power: casual disagreements and accidental injuries admit of arrangement: weak neighbors can find no benefit to themselves in wanton ag gression, or refusal of redress for accidental wrong: isolation (a continent, as it were, to ourselves) is security against attack; and our railways would accumulate rapid destruction upon any invader. These advantages, and strict adherence to the rule, to ask only what is right, and submit to nothing wrong, will leave us (we have reason to believe) free from hostile collision with foreign powers, free from the necessity of keeping up war establishments of army and navy in time of peace, with our great resources left in the pockets of the people (always the safest and cheapest national treasuries), to come forth when public exigencies require them, and ourselves at liberty to pursue an unexampled career of national and individual prosperity.

evidently wise, that, in spite of every sinister foreboding, it never, until the present period, disturbed the tranquillity of our common country. Such a result is sufficient evidence of the justice and the patriotism of their course; it is evidence not to be mistaken, that an adherence to it can prevent all embarrassment from this, difficulty or danger. Have not recent events as well as from every other anticipated cause of made it obvious to the slightest reflection, that the least deviation from this spirit of forbearance is injurious to every interest, that of humanity sions, this generous and fraternal feeling has included? Amidst the violence of excited pasbeen sometimes disregarded; and, standing as I now do before my countrymen in this high place of honor and of trust, I cannot refrain from anxiously invoking my fellow-citizens never to be deaf to its dictates. Perceiving, before my election, the deep interest this subject was beginning to excite, I believed it a solemn duty fully to make known my sentiments in regard to it; and now, when every motive for misrepwill be candidly weighed and understood. At resentations have passed away, I trust that they least, they will be my standard of conduct in the path before me. I then declared that, if the desire of those of my countrymen who were favorable to my election was gratified, 'I must go

this determination. The result authorizes me

One single subject of recently revived occurinto the presidental chair the inflexible and rence in our domestic concerns, and of portentous uncompromising opponent of every attempt, on apparition, admitted a departure from the gene- the part of Congress, to abolish slavery in the ralities of an inaugural address, and exacted from District of Columbia, against the wishes of the the new President the notice of a special decla- slaveholding States; and also with a determination equally decided to resist the slightest interration: it was the subject of slavery-an alarm-ference with it in the States where it exists.' I ing subject of agitation near twenty years before submitted also to my fellow-citizens, with ful-quieted by the Missouri compromise-re-ness and frankness, the reasons which led me to suscitated in 1835, as shown in previous chapters of this View; and apparently taking its place as a permanent and most pestiferous element in our presidential elections and federal legislation. It had largely mixed with the presidential election of the preceding year: it was expected to mix with ensuing federal legislation: and its evil effect upon the harmony and stability of the Union justified the new President in making a special declaration in relation to it, and even in declaring beforehand the cases of slaveryject was intended to reach the stability of our legislation in which he would apply the qualified negative with which the constitution invested him over the acts of Congress. Under this sense of duty and propriety the inaugural address presented this passage:

"The last, perhaps the greatest, of the promi

to believe that they have been approved, and are confided in, by a majority of the people of the United States, including those whom they most immediately affect. It now only remains to add, that no bill conflicting with these views can ever receive my constitutional sanction. These opinions have been adopted in the firm belief that they are in accordance with the spirit that actuated the venerated fathers of the republic, and that succeeding experience has honorable and just. If the agitation of this subproved them to be humane, patriotic, expedient,

institutions, enough has occurred to show that it has signally failed; and that in this, as in timid and the hopes of the wicked for the deevery other instance, the apprehensions of the struction of our government, are again destined to be disappointed."

The determination here declared to yield the