Support and Co-operation of Parliament in Your | Elections, and that the Public Schools Bill, which "We thank Your Majesty for informing us that Papers on this Subject will be forthwith laid before us. 66 WE rejoice to learn that Your Majesty's Relations with Foreign Powers are friendly and satisfactory, and that your Majesty sees no Reason to apprehend any Disturbance of the general Peace of Europe. "WE thank Your Majesty for informing us that the Invasion of the Papal States by a Band of Italian Volunteers, without Authority from their own Sovereign, has led to the Dispatch of an Expedition by His Majesty the Emperor of the French for the Protection of the Sovereign Pontiff and his Dominions. We join with Your Majesty in trusting that as the Object of the Emperor has been accomplished, and as the Defeat and Dispersion of the Volunteer Force has relieved the Papal Territory from the Dangers of external Invasion, His Imperial Majesty will find Himself enabled, by an early Withdrawal of his Troops, to remove any possible Ground of Mis. understanding between His Majesty's Government and that of The King of Italy. "WE learn with the deepest Regret that the treasonable Conspiracy, commonly known as Fenianism, baffled and repressed in Ireland, has assumed in England the Form of organized Violence and Assassination. We concur with Your Majesty that such Outrages as have been committed require to be rigorously put down; and we are confident that Your Majesty may rely for their effectual Suppression upon the firm Administration of the Law and the Loyalty of the great Mass of Your Subjects. "WE humbly thank Your Majesty for informing us that as a necessary Sequel to the Legislation of the last Session, Bills will be laid before us for amending the Representation of the People in Scotland and in Ireland. "WE rejoice to learn that Your Majesty has Reason to believe that the Commissioners appointed to inquire into and report upon the Boundaries of existing Boroughs, as well as of the proposed Divisions of Counties and newly-enfranchised Boroughs, have made considerable Progress in their Inquiries, and that no Time will be lost after the Receipt of their Report in laying before us their Recommendations. "We thank Your Majesty for informing us that a Bill will be presented to us for the more effectual Suppression of Bribery and Corruption at "WITH Your Majesty we are of opinion that the general Question of the Education of the People requires the most serious Attention of Parlia ment; and Your Majesty may rely upon our approaching the Subject with a full Appreciation of its vital Importance and acknowledged Difficulty. "We thank Your Majesty for informing us that Measures will be submitted to us during the present Session for amending and consolidating various Acts relating to the Mercantile Marine; and with Your Majesty we hope that the Exemp. tion which the Country has now for some Time enjoyed from the Cattle Plague will afford a favourable Opportunity for considering such permanent Enactments as may relieve the Home Trade from vexatious Restrictions, and facilitate the Introduction, under due Regulations, of Foreign Cattle for Home Consumption. "WE thank Your Majesty for informing us that Measures for the Amendment of the Law, which have been deferred under the Pressure of more urgent Business, will be submitted to us; and "WITH Your Majesty we earnestly pray that all LORD HYLTON rose to second the Address, and said: My Lords, the subjects which are recommended to our notice in the gracious Speech from the Throne have our Anglo-Indian forces will maintain their ancient renown, and show that they are fully equal to any duties which they may be called upon to perform. However much, therefore, we may regret that our troops should be called upon to act under such circumstances, it would be still more a matter of regret if anything were neglected on the part of this great country which could secure the success of the expedition. I feel sure that it is the general disposition of Parliament and of the country to afford to Her Majesty every possible assistance and aid. My Lords, to a commercial country like ours it is always a matter of the greatest accord with the other nations of Europe; and at no time, I believe, has a more cordial or friendly feeling between us and the great Powers of Europe and other countries of the world existed than exists at the present moment. I was much struck the other day with the words of hope which were conveyed in the speech made by the Emperor of the French on receiving the distinguished diplomatist accredited to his Court by Her Majesty; for I thought that they implied that France and England will act cordially together for the maintenance of universal peace, and for the repressing (should it be necessary) of overweening ambitions, and that they will strive to promote these ends both by their counsel and example. The state of alarm which had arisen from the late unfortunate situation of affairs in Italy, to which Her Majesty refers in her Speech, has, I am happy to say, passed away almost as suddenly as it had arisen; and there is no doubt that some solution will be found by which the future peace of Italy can be secured and preserved. It seems that by the Act of 1858, for regulating the Government of India, the sanction of Parliament must be obtained before Her Majesty's Indian army can be employed in military operations out of India; and therefore it was necessary, in a constitutional point of view, to call Parliament together to obtain that authority. The events connected with the detention of our fellow-subjects in Abyssinia have been known for years past, and have provoked very general feeling of sympathy and indignation. Much dissatisfaction has been felt at the delay that has already occurred, and at the length of time such a reproach to our honour has been sustained. Some of our fellow-sub-importance that we should be on terms of jects in that country, including an accredited agent, have been detained for years past in prison. In 1865-and even in 1864 -the noble Earl who was then Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs admitted that there was a possible necessity for undertaking some strenuous measures for their liberation, and stated that he was fully prepared to take such steps as might be found necessary for the purpose. But the noble Earl objected at that time to sending a mission to Abyssinia, because he thought it derogatory to the honour of this country to send such a mission while our accredited agents were held in captivity, and he naturally determined to exhaust every effort before resorting to any military demonstration which might partake of a hostile character. Well, my Lords, this state of things continued up to the time when the present Government came into office, and then inquiries were instituted and agents were sent out from this country. Every effort, however, has failed, and it has become evident that there is no other hope of obtaining a release of the prisoners but by a military and a hostile demonstration. No doubt, my Lords, the military and other resources of this country will be severely taxed in carrying on a war in so remote a region as Abyssinia, and in a country of which so little is known, or of which, at all events, so much has to be learnt. We can hardly expect to thoroughly overcome every difficulty connected with the country and the climate, and to be as well forearmed against the difficulties as we should be if we were properly forewarned of their existence. But I have great confidence in the exertions which the Government are taking to secure success in this direction. Of one thing I feel quite certain-that My Lords, with regard to that sad, useless, and hopeless conspiracy which has broken out in some parts of Ireland, and which has now caused so much uneasiness in this country, I do hope that the firmness of the Government and the loyalty of Her Majesty's subjects will enable them to suppress and uproot it altogether. It is a movement which appears to me not only to frustrate all the hopes and wishes of those who promoted it, and to render the grievances of Ireland less easy of approach, but it concerns us all, inasmuch as it must lead in this country to far more strict police regulations, even to the arming of the police, in order to enable the Government to perform their first duty-to protect Her general measure is to be brought forward. I have no knowledge of the nature or principle of the measure which the Government are about to propose on that subject; but as the result of my indi country has suffered extremely from foreign diseased cattle being introduced and driven from the different ports to be slaughtered. Not only so, but in the early period of cattle plague they were driven to neighbouring fairs, and thus spread the disease through whole provinces of the country. This is an evil which I hope will be properly guarded against in future, by arrangements being made for slaughtering cattle at the ports of their arrival. At any rate, I think we have a right to ask of the Government some measures calculated to make us more secure than we have hitherto been. With regard to the remaining portions of Her Majesty's Speech, it is not necessary that I should detain your Lordships. I have now only to thank your Lordships for the patience with which you have listened to one who feels he has little claim on your indulgence. I will conclude with one observation: I am sure you will all unite in the prayer that Her Majesty may long be preserved to rule over a contented and happy people. I beg to second the Address which has been moved by my noble Friend. [See Page 10.] Majesty's loyal subjects. My Lords, the passing of a Reform Bill for England has, of course, rendered it necessary that similar measures should be considered with reference to Ireland and Scotland, and I hope that the representation of those coun-vidual experience, I may state that the tries will be dealt with in the same liberal measure as that which was applied to England a few months since. I can only hope that those measures will be speedily brought before Parliament, and that they may tend to the satisfaction of every part of Her Majesty's dominions. The Commission which has to decide on the boundaries of the counties, boroughs, and cities of England, Her Majesty informs us, will soon be ready with their Report; and, no doubt, when that Report has been delivered, legislation will immediately take place on the subject. I know that that Report is looked forward to with considerable interest; I trust it will receive impartial consideration from your Lordships, and that it will be received with satisfaction by those whom it affects. It has, my Lords, been a standing reproach and scandal to this country that hitherto we have been unable to deal effectually with bribery at elections; and therefore I am sure any measure that will get rid of that evil will be most favourably regarded by the community. I trust, therefore, that such a measure will be speedily brought before the other House. Again, my Lords, the education of the country is one of the most important subjects to which the attention of Parliament can be directed. A measure connected with public schools has twice already been before Parliament. The question of the general education of the coun-tained in the Royal Speech. In the first try is becoming every day more and more important. I am sorry, however, to say that the information on the subject is still incomplete, and it is not likely to be dealt with this Session as a general measure. But in Scotland the subject is much further advanced. A scheme of general education is there much more matured, and I trust that a Bill on the subject will be brought forward and passed during the present Session. There can be no doubt that a measure for consolidating the various Acts relating to the Mercantile Marine, even if it does no more than consolidate those Acts, will be a very great benefit to the shipping interest and to the commercial community. I am therefore glad to find that a measure of this description is about to be introduced. With reference to the cattle plague, I rejoice to learn that some EARL RUSSELL: My Lords, the Address to the Throne having been moved and seconded with great judgment and propriety by the two noble Lords who have addressed your Lordships, I rise to make a few comments on the topics con place, I think that Her Majesty's confi- The sinia in considering it as a casus belli; and second, whether it is expedient and advisable to make a large military expedition the means of recovering the captives? With regard to the first question, I think there can be no doubt whatever. I consider the conduct of the Sovereign of Abyssinia to our fellow-subjects so outrageous, so contrary not only to every principle of International Law, but to every dictate of justice in regard to other nations, that it was impossible that Her Majesty's Government should not consider it a cause of war. But, with regard to the second question, if I feel any doubts they are doubts suggested towards the end of last Session by the noble Lord the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, rather than any doubts of my own. There can, I think, be no apprehension whatever in regard to our troops, not only that they will conduct themselves well, but that they will overcome any military resistance likely to be made by the troops of that Sovereign. But the difficulties stated by the noble Lord to which I have referred were difficulties in regard to the nature of the roads, to the want of water, and to the great mountain ranges the troops have to pass before they can reach the place where the captives are confined. There was likewise a difficulty in regard to the want of water during their short march into the interior. These were difficulties which the noble Lord said, very justly, would require further inquiry and consideration before the decision of Her Majesty's Government was taken. But if there was any doubt on the subject, the question arises as to the consideration it received from Her Majesty's Government. I am willing to presume that, having certainly no interest in sending such an expedition, they are likely to be correct in the conclusion to which they have come; but I suspend my judgment as to their ultimate decision until I know more of the grounds on which they have acted, and until we know that the information the noble Lord has since obtained leads to the conclusion that the expedition is likely to be successful. I have had great satisfaction in seeing it stated in Her Majesty's Speech that the expedition has been sent to Abyssinia for the specific purpose of the recovery of the captives and "for that purpose alone." I am very glad that none of those speculations which appeared from time to time in some of the public papers as to the occupation of Abyssinia - and our meddling with the internal affairs of that country and putting another King on the Throne who would be a better Sovereign than the present-that none of these speculations form any part of the object of the Abyssinian expedition. I am glad to see that Her Majesty's Government do not apprehend any disturbance of the peace of Europe; and therefore those rumours which prevailed some time ago that there was likely to be an international war in the spring are, happily, totally without foundation. I come next to that subject treated at some length in the Speech, and which to me is of very peculiar interest namely, the events which have taken place in Rome and the Papal Territories. The interference of the French in Rome, which led to the employment of a military force and the use of the new French weapon, is a subject of very melancholy consideration. I do not say or suppose that the Emperor of the French has violated the Convention of September; but there is an Article in the Convention which is likely to give rise to what diplomatists call "a complication" - namely, the Article which recognises the right of the Pope to enlist the subjects of foreign Powers as his troops, and to use them accordingly. Now, if these foreign subjects-be they French or Belgians are entirely at the disposal of the Pope, and if no foreign Governments took any interest in them, the power of enlisting them could hardly be denied to the Sovereign of Rome; but when we find the French soldiers commanded by a French General, and that the French Minister of War considered that these soldiers were to be punished for military offences, and be deemed in other respects as part of the great army in France, then I think such a condition of things is likely to lead to this consequence-that if ever a dispute should arise between the inhabitants of the Roman Territory and those soldiers, and if the soldiers should be in any great danger, then, with the natural military feeling of France, a great demand would certainly be made on the Emperor by the French people to send troops to Rome to vindicate the honour of their flag and to relieve the troops that had enlisted in the Pope's service. I do not see that the fact of the troops wearing a different cockade and perhaps a different uniform from the French would prevent that feeling from arising and render it almost a necessity to despatch troops to Rome. For my part, I consider all these interventions in the internal affairs of other countries as injurious to the interest of Europe and inconsistent with every principle we have professed. I remember that more than forty years azo Mr. Canning instructed the Duke of Wellington when he went to the Congress of Verona to the effect that, if any question should arise about interfering in the internal disputes in Spain, His Majesty would never be a party to enter into a Convention to interfere by force of arms. That was proper language for the English Minister to use, and I trust that the present Government will use similar language should any similar question arise. But I suppose there need be no secresy or reserve as to the project of a Conference at present with respect to the affairs of Rome. I cannot conceive how there should be any such Conference. It is a matter which must be left to the King of Italy and the Pope to settle between themselves. The King of Italy is sure to pay great respect to the Pope as a temporal Sovereign, and as a spiritual Sovereign the Pope will be secure in the affections of the whole Italian people. If that be so, I can see no use in any Conference; but if there should be one, I should be glad to know whether Her Majesty's Government proposed to take any part in it. The next topic in Her Majesty's Speech relates to "the treasonable conspiracy commonly known as Fenianism." With respect to that I agree in what is in the Speech that, "baffled and repressed in Ireland, it has assumed in England the form of organized violence and assassination." I cannot but think that—be it the fault of whom it may very culpable negligence was shown in Manchester in not properly guarding the State prisoners when they were taken to the police-office and when they were sent back to prison. The men Deasy and Kelly were known in Ireland to be two of the principal persons engaged in Fenianism. It has always been understood that while Stephens was the man of organization, Kelly was the man of action and courage; and, such being known, it is surprising that the Government had not provided a sufficient escort of military and armed police to accompany the prisoners in Manchester, and so prevented the lamentable occurrence in which the murder of Serjeant Brett took place. The Chancellor of the Exchequer has spoken of a lawless spirit being abroad, and it cannot be denied that there is some truth in that observation; and, such being the case, it behoves the Government, and especially the Secretary of State for the Home Department, to see that there is no taxity or want of vigilance in the administration of the law, and that, when great offenders are arrested for the purpose of being sent to trial, no such negligent guard should be placed over them as might permit of their escape or rescue. No doubt, as stated in the Royal Speech, Her Majesty may safely rely for the effectual suppression of those outrages on the firm administration of the law and the loyalty of the great mass of Her subjects. There is no great question in this country as to the loyalty of the greater part of Her Majesty's subjects, and even in Ireland I should say the great majority of the people are opposed to the evil-disposed who foster and promote the Fenian outrages. The next topic in Her Majesty's Speech has reference to Bills for amending the representation of the people in Scotland and Ireland. I take for granted that those Bills will be founded on the same principles as the Bill of last Session referring to England. The discussion, therefore, on the subject had better be reserved until the time when we shall know something more of the Bills. There are, however, two remarks which I desire to make, one of them applying to Bills and the late period of the Session at which many of them come up to the House of Lords; but I refer more especially to the Reform Bill of last year. I think it very inconvenient that the House of Commons should go on from the beginning of February till the middle of July discussing Bills of great importance, and that it should not be until the month of July that such measures should be brought under your Lordships' consideration. I see that at a great meeting of some 2,000 working men a member of the Cabinet made it a matter of boast that your Lordships were allowed so much freedom in the consideration of the Reform Bill of last Session. Now, it was on the 16th of July that the Bill was introduced in your Lordships' House, and by that time many of your Lordships had had enough of the London season, and had gone into the country for recreation. The Bill was considered for a fortnight, and when a noble Friend of mine, not at present in his place (Earl Grey), wished to amend it in some particular, and made for that pur |