to release them. I hold in my hand some extracts from a letter which have been received from Abyssinia, and only that it is not customary to read extracts on an occasion like the present, I could show that the prisoners themselves implore us to send out a force to release them, and that if not speedily sent they fear it will be too late. The letter to which I refer contains also an account of the indignities to which the prisoners have been subjected; it tells how their swords had been taken from them, and how they had been thrown down before the Abyssinian Monarch. I will say no more on the policy of the expedition; but I hope the House will bear with me while I enter a little into military details. No Govern. ment can insure success in any expedition, but they can do all in their power to deserve it; and I can confidently state that no expedition ever started to uphold Old England's honour better prepared by a provident and far-seeing Government. The preparations for an army to invade a country so little known as Abyssinia are necessarily of a complicated and an expensive character; but it will be found that while efficiency has been mainly sought as the truest economy, extravagance and waste have been carefully guarded against. I feel sure the House will approve the selection made of Sir Robert Napier as I Commander-in-Chief, whose past services eminently qualify him for that important command. I may be allowed to mention some of the services of this distinguished officer, whose deeds add lustre to the soldier's name he bears. Sir Robert Napier began his career in 1845. He was in the Sutlej campaign; he was at Goojerat; he was at both sieges of Lucknow; he has held important posts in various expeditions; and was second in command in the expedition to China. Her Majesty's Government having found a good soldier qualified to command, appointed him; and then they did the next best thing-they trusted him- and accordingly they had invested him with full power, political as well as military-thus avoiding delays incident to a division of authority and responsibility. The force under Sir Robert's command consists of 12,000 fighting men, efficiently armed, and fully equipped for any duty they may be called upon to undertake. The Papers laid before the House will show how carefully and anxiously Government has made provision for all possible contingencies, by providing an

written by the noble Lord at the head of the Foreign Office to King Theodore, three months were given him for the release of the captives. Those three months did not expire until the 17th August, and as Parliament was prorogued on the 21st August, it was impossible-no answer having been received-to give further information to the House. A final summons was sent by the noble Lord at the head of Foreign Affairs on the 9th September, demanding the release of the captives, and we may still hope that the Abyssinian expedition may not become an Abyssinian war. The Government have had two courses before them. One was conciliation, the other was force. I think all will allow that conciliation has been stretched to its utmost limits, and that after three long years of conciliation and prolonged negotiation, during which time our captive countrymen have been kept languishing in chains and suffering every indignity at the caprice of a barbarian monarch, Her Majesty's Government were fully justified in sending out an armed force with an imperative demand for the immediate release of the captives. Should the Emperor of Abyssinia be so ill-advised as to brave the power of England, and so render obligatory an appeal to arms, I think no one will say that force has been appealed to before every form of conciliation and persuasion had been exhausted. believe that no Government ever sent forth an expedition with greater reluctance, or under a greater sense of responsibility. This is not the time to vindicate the policy of Her Majesty's Government; but I believe that none was ever sent forth better provided. I may be permitted to allude to one or two of the objections I have heard urged against this expedition. Expense is the first of these, and to those who made it I will say-Are lives of captive countrymen and women of less value than gold? Can a saving of expense recompense England's honour outraged by the detention in chains of Her Majesty's Consul and an Envoy accredited by Majesty itself? The second objection is that the lives of those we seek to save might be placed in greater peril by the means taken to release them. Be this as it may, the captives can hardly be worse than they are now, dying, as it were, by inches in their chains, and in hourly, in momentary danger of their lives. Their own earnest desire was to hear of some effort being made to force King Theodore

The House might well deplore with Her Majesty that the treasonable conspiracy called Fenianism, baffled in Ireland by the vigour of the Executive, the good sense of the mass of the people, and the fair administration of justice by Irish

England of assassination and organized violence. All classes of Her Majesty's subjects will loyally rally round the Throne and the institutions of their country, and, while reprobating those wicked attempts to disturb the public peace, will uphold those whose sad duty it may be to vindicate public justice.

efficient transport and an ample commis- | having returned to their homes and peacesariat, combined with arrangements for ful avocations, the Emperor Napoleon will the health of the troops. To carry out be able to remove his troops not only from this latter object, three steamers have been Rome but from Italy, and that all cause of despatched as hospital ships, with full discord being thus removed, peace may be medical attendance and every necessary restored to Italy. appliance for the sick. It may possibly be urged by some that the expedition is on an unnecessary large scale; to this I reply that these ample preparations afford the best hope of bringing King Theodore to reason without an actual collision, and if hostilities should unfortunately be neces-juries, should have assumed the form in sary, they will tend to shorten their duration. A smaller and less perfectly equipped force might be detained in Abyssinia waiting for reinforcements, and its protracted detention would tend to give rise to complications which it would be most desirable to avoid. I have not adverted to India as the basis of operations, believing it will be admitted the Government have acted wisely in selecting it as the one best adapted for the purpose. As to the Indian army being employed by the Government, these troops have well upheld the honour of our flag in Persia and in China and Japan, as well as in many well-fought fields in Hindostan, and I have no doubt will do as well in Abyssinia; and the selection of soldiers whose habits and whose constitutions were best adapted for service in Africa will meet the approval of the House and country.

The question of our foreign relations is one of the most paramount importance at the present time, and, after the many menacing clouds which have recently hung over the political horizon, and the wars and rumours of wars which have reached our ears, and the various alarms which have for some months pervaded the public mind, the assurance contained in Her Majesty's Speech, that our relations with all foreign Powers are of the most friendly description, and that She sees no reason to apprehend any disturbance of the public peace, will be received not only by the House, but by the country, with feelings of the liveliest satisfaction. If even the rumour of a misunderstanding between European Monarchs, flashed through the telegraph, made the pulse of credit and of commerce vibrate to its centre, how much greater would have been the disturbance of England's commercial interests had war really broken out in Europe. We must all deplore, with Her Majesty, that the peace of Italy has been disturbed; and now we must hope that the bands of volunteers

In the last Session important changes in the representation of England were introduced by Government, and after careful consideration by Parliament became the law of the land. Whatever differences of opinion there may have been on this longvexed question, all are agreed that the measure passed was beneficial, and that these changes have removed considerable discontent from some classes of the people. The country has on many occasions expressed their approval of last Session's work, and this approval will encourage Parliament to approach the question of the Irish and Scotch Reform Bills with the same forbearing spirit and the same candid temper as characterized the proceedings of last Session. I am sure that the judicious concessions granted to our working classes in England will be freely extended to those in Scotland and in Ireland, and when our task shall have been concluded we shall look back with pride and heartfelt satisfaction at having passed measures which I hope will conduce to the public good by uniting all classes of our fellowsubjects in the government of the country. It appears from the Speech that our attention will be called to Bills for the prevention of bribery and corruption. I trust that whatever measure may be passed will tend to remove the plague spot of corruption which is a serious blot on our electoral system, as well as on the character of the House of Commons. The consolidation and revision of the various Acts connected with our Mercantile Marine will be a great boon to our shipowners, masters, and seamen. At present great

confusion exists, owing to the fact that sympathy. I admit that it had been my there are seven or eight Acts upon the intention-and I only mention it because subject, containing some 700 sections, I think this was the proper occasion for which have to be consulted, and it is diffi- such a proceeding-to ask of the right cult for those not learned in the law to hon. Gentleman, and of his Colleagues, find what is applicable to any particular some explanation with regard to a declaquestion. I hope the promised reform ration which was made during the Recess; will make these Acts more intelligible. It but, under the circumstances to which I is gratifying to learn that the railways, have adverted, I cannot think of introducwhich in the height of panic last year were ing at this moment any topic of the kind. all eagerly demanding the aid of Govern- Sir, the Speech of Her Majesty contains ment legislation, are now doing the work little, if anything, of which we have reaof reform themselves; and there is good son to complain. As to the great subjectreason to hope that, with greater economy, that of the expedition to Abyssinia-I a better system of accounts, and a deter- cordially join with the hon. Gentleman mination among all classes of shareholders who said that we may still cling to the to forego present dividends unless fairly hope that the Abyssinian expedition may earned, our great railway system may be- not prove to be the Abyssinian war. It fore long regain in the public estimation is a natural thing with regard to any war, that high state of credit from which it still more with regard to a war so peculiar ought never, with average good manage- in its character, and one as to which it is ment, to have fallen. Now that the fearful so difficult to see any definite issue, to and mysterious disease, the cattle plague, cherish as long as we can the faintest hope. has left this land, we may be enabled to I think it is quite evident that we could legislate on the subject in a manner which not make progress to-night, and we should will remove restrictions on home trade; probably only prejudice the future discusand, while relieving our farmers from all sion of the question, were the Governjust apprehension as to a fresh importa- ment to endeavour to obtain at this tion from abroad of this dread disease, may moment the sanction of the House, direct at the same time encourage that trade or indirect, for any proceedings connected which is the only means of insuring a with the Abyssinian expedition. Our cheap supply of meat for the public. I business to-night is to acknowledge in the fear I have too long trespassed on the most respectful manner the receipt, as it time of the House, to whom my best were, of Her Majesty's gracious communithanks are due for the kind attention they cation touching the Abyssinian war, and have been pleased to grant me, and I have then to await an occasion-no doubt an only to express my hope that the Address early one-on which some responsible I have the honour of seconding may meet Minister of the Crown will detail to us with unanimous approval. what the proceedings of the Government have been, and by what considerations

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That," &c.-[See Page 58.]

MR. GLADSTONE: There is nothing, Mr. Speaker, in either of the addresses which have been delivered by the Mover and Seconder of the Address which would at all tempt me to depart, or excuse me in departing, from the general and prudent rule that excludes controverted matters, as far as possible, from the annual debate on the Address. I have every disposition to conform to that rule, and I am bound to say that I think there are special reasons for adhering to it strictly on the present occasion in domestic circumstances, to which I need not more pointedly refer, immediately affecting the Leader of this House, and with respect to which I will merely take the opportunity of assuring him that he carries with him universal VOL. CXC. [THIRD SERIES.]

they have been guided. Up to the present

time, I apprehend, all action in regard to this question has been the action of the Executive. For the House, it is a res integra. In speaking of the Executive, I do not speak exclusively of those who now possess power, nor of the shares in which the responsibility may be divided between the present and the past Government; I merely mean that the House is not committed by anything to anything. It will be its duty, therefore, to exercise a free judgment upon all that has been done. No doubt that free judgment ought to be a considerate judgment; for I fully admit that a more difficult question has rarely been submitted to a Government than the course which was incumbent upon them to take with respect to this matter. We shall expect of them, however, a full and

D

SIR STAFFORD NORTHCOTE: I beg the right hon. Gentleman's pardon for interrupting him; but as the point is one of importance, and as some misapprehension prevails respecting it, I had better correct him at once. The clause as originally introduced-and it was introduced by the right hon. Gentleman himself-was to the effect which he has stated, that it should not be lawful to use the Indian forces for such purposes without the previous consent of Parliament; but in going through the House it was altered, and as it now stands it provides that it shall not be lawful to apply the revenues of India to the carrying on any military operations beyond the frontier without the previous consent of Parliament.

frank explanation, and not an explanation | again intimated dissent.] If I am wrong merely of the merits of the case as between I can be easily corrected. themselves and the Emperor of Abyssinia. That I take to be the simplest part of the question; for, as has been well said by the hon. Gentleman who moved the Address, and whom, on this his first occasion of addressing us, I sincerely congratulate upon his most intelligent and judicious speech, no doubt can be raised to the existence in the amplest form of what is called a casus belli between us and the Sovereign of Abyssinia. The questions upon which it will be interesting to us to be informed, and upon which the House will have to pass its judgment, are of an order quite distinct from that primary consideration. The great difficulty in the case is to show that the object which we seek is an attainable object to show that it is practicable to carry on a war with an enemy of whom we may be tempted to entertain the apprehension that he will not fight, but runand to show by any reasonable calculation how such a war is to be brought to an issue. Upon these questions Her Majesty's Government have means of judging which we have not. I by no means wish at this moment to express any want of confidence in the prudence or fairness or pacific character of their intentions; but I think it right to point to these matters as subjects upon which the country will fairly expect to receive full information. I hope also-it is a point which I have no doubt will not have escaped the attention of Her Majesty's Government-they will be able to show in what relation their proceedings stand to an enactment which passed through the Legislature in the year 1858, in the shape of a clause in the East India Government Act. According to that clause -I do not profess at this moment to quote the exact words-but according to that clause it was made incumbent upon the Executive to seek beforehand the consent of Parliament for military operations conducted by the Indian force beyond the Indian frontier, except they grew out of an invasion of the country, or out of sudden and unforeseen exigencies. [Sir STAFFORD NORTHCOTE intimated dissent.] I judge from the gesture of the Secretary of State for India that he questions the correctness of my reference to the clause; I would say, therefore, the approval of Parliament, not for the military operationswhich is, of course, not possible-but for the purpose for which the operations are carried on. [Sir STAFFORD NORTHCOTE

MR. GLADSTONE: My impression of the clause was different; but the right hon. Gentleman's explanation will make it the more easy to show-which the Government are no doubt ready to do the conformity of their proceedings with the exact provisions of that Act of Parliament. There are two points on which I confess I entertained very great anxiety. One of them was as to the view of the Government with regard to the limit to be placed upon the purposes of this expedition. We are now going into Abyssinia, and the question which the country, I think, will regard with, perhaps, the greatest interest of all is the question, When shall we come out of Abyssinia? Now, as to that question, I am bound to say that nothing can be more intelligible and nothing more satisfactory than the declaration contained in Her Majesty's gracious Speech, that the expedition She has directed to be sent to that country is to be sent for one purpose alone. I do not in the slightest degree understand those words as precluding Her Majesty's Government, in the exercise of their discretion, from availing themselves of the temporary opening which these unhappy circumstances may afford for purposes useful to science, to peace, and to civilization; but I do understand these words as carrying a complete disavowal on their part of all intention and of all desire to make this expedition subservient or instrumental in any degree either to purposes of territorial aggrandizementwhich they would hardly dream of-or to the contraction, in whatever form, of new political responsibilities. I think that, difficult, doubtful, and dark, as necessarily

are many of the circumstances of politics, | future disclosures, I am not able to regard one thing there is beyond all doubt and with entire satisfaction any portion of what question, and it is that the people of this has taken place; but I do not think there country are at this moment fully charged, is any just cause to complain of the manner and, perhaps, overcharged, with responsi- in which Her Majesty has been advised to bilities of Empire from which they cannot refer to this subject, nor do I think that in honour escape, but to which it would the noble Lord (Lord Stanley) or the Gobe folly and guilt gratuitously to add. I vernment could have acted more prudently hope also that another important subject, than in recommending the Crown to intistrictly germane to this Abyssinian ques- mate in the friendly manner in which it tion, and an essential part of it, will be has been couched the desire which Her dealt with in a manner creditable to the Majesty has uttered. I make, therefore, House. The rumour is that a large sum no complaint whatever of the reference in will be asked for; there is also a rumour the Speech or the Address to the Italian that a limited portion of that sum may be question. With respect to "the treasoncharged on the revenues of India. The able conspiracy commonly known as Fenianmatter is one upon which it is quite un- ism," at a moment like the present, when necessary for me to give an opinion this the Executive Government has to disevening; but I cannot help expressing my charge, on its own responsibility, an imhope that if we are to be asked as we portant function, I think I shall best permust be asked to incur a heavy expen- form my duty by refraining from any diture, the Government in their plans and general expression of opinion as to the provisions for meeting this expenditure precise character of that deplorable movewill confide in the courage and prudence ment and the way in which it ought to of Parliament and the country, and will be met. I observe we are told that that not propose to make that charge an addi- conspiracy "has assumed in England the tion to the debt of the country by saddling form of organized violence and assassinait upon future years. I do not ask them tion," and I cannot doubt that in advising for any declaration whatever; but I wish the Crown to use those terms Her Mato assure them, on my part, that in case jesty's Government are in possession of they act upon the principle, the wisdom knowledge by which they think them to of which I think has been acknowledged be strictly and absolutely justified. But of late years, that we should endeavour as far as possible to meet the whole wants and expenditure of the day out of the means and resources that the day provides, these proposals will receive from us, I think, a fair consideration in no hostile spirit. Of course, I cannot compromise freedom of judgment on my own part or on the part of others as to the particular means of carrying out the object; but with regard to the principle, I have thought it right to say thus much. I pass over the general expression in Her Majesty's Speech with regard to our relations with foreign Powers, and I come to a matter of concern to England. Considering the immense importance of the Italian question to European civilization as a whole, and considering that the Italian Kingdom has now become an essential part of our present European civilization, I think Her Majesty's Government could not avoid advising Her Majesty to take some notice of recent painful circumstances painful circumstances I cannot but call them. I confess that with the defective and partial information that I possess, which I hope may be enlarged by

as respects the more general purpose of the sentence, I am sure the Queen is well sustained in the expectation She entertains that in the firm and discreet administration of the law She will at all times be supported by the great mass of her subjects, and especially by her subjects as they are represented in this House. I am glad, Sir, to perceive that Bills are to be laid before us for amending the representation of the people in Scotland and in Ireland; and I cordially join in the expressions of the Mover and the Seconder, that we should address ourselves to the consideration of these Bills with a feeling of the public duty incumbent upon us, and likewise with a conviction that our own honour and credit are in a peculiar manner involved in bringing to a shape of completeness and to an issue satisfactory all those portions of the question of Parliamentary Reform which still remain undisposed of. But as the name of Ireland occurs in connection with this subject of Parliamentary Reform, I shall venture upon two remarks. I do not presume to impute blame to the Government for refraining from submitting to Parliament-especially at the particular