mere pastime or curiosity; I regard it as a great public meeting, in which men are met together, who hold the same principles in common, and who hold these principles quite safely. It would have been mockery to feast together, if it were not to commemorate those principles, and to show the firmness of our minds, and bind us together. What we do just now is only an outward symbol of what many may be called upon to suffer in our present, and have suffered in worse times for the good cause. And if a more and a higher sacrifice is required, they would not be found wanting to seal their attachment with their blood. This meeting sees what, but a few years ago, would hardly have been allowed. We do not live in terror of the dark night which drew down the vengeance of those in power upon every man who held an opinion of his own. When frowns did not do, as some of the most noted here present, one of whom I see close by the VicePresident, (Mr Gibson,) well knew, there was nothing left undone to harass the obnoxious individual; and had their power been equal to their desires, more effectual means would have been resorted to of crushing their cause; but, blessed be God, these times are now past. I see many here. present who know the truth of this, I believe; but what things have we not seen, having lived through the different stages of only the few last years? It is not above three or four years since, and a dark time it was, when we saw Parliamentary privileges discouraged; and to some persons, any one word used in reprobation of the system acted upon by the despots of the Continent, was deemed a heinous offence; but I have lived to see our principles acted upon in the same place, and by the same men who used to cry, Jacobin, visionary," &c. against every man who advocated,

however timidly, those principles, which were formally execrated by some, and condemned by all, with the same kind of morbid feeling with which they now extol them. But let us not question them; for, as their conversion is recent, and may not be combined with all the zeal which distinguishes new converts, let us not give them an opportunity of retreating, on the score of Jacobinism, upon their former policy; but let us extend our eye to the change that has taken place in our foreign policy, which is no less singular, and no less beneficial, to the character of the state. For how many long years was it painful and even degrading, to feel that one was an Englishman? England was foremost to offer every painful blow against the liberties of mankind; and some one of England's councillors was always to be found at the elbow of every tyrant who would deny his people their rights. What despot then could turn his eyes for support to this country, and turned them there in vain; or without experiencing a sym pathetic feeling-seeing the right hand of fellowship stretched forth to grasp his, though reeking with the blood of his own subjects?-Whereever we turned, we discovered some depraved and bloated despotism, to which adventitious and external circumstances had given more hideousness than arose from its own base heart, its own vile nature. We never found that despotism, if recommended by a detestable perseverance in butchery and superstition, made a vain appeal for support to the government of any tyrant country on earth. It was a black and disgraceful night; and one cannot see the change which has been wrought in the policy of this country, but with feelings of exultation. In such a free nation as Eng land, with the half representation of England, and the unrepresentation of

Scotland, (Hear, hear,) or even in tortured, misgoverned, and persecuted Ireland, what man is there who will dare now to stand forth and say, "Befriend the Holy Alliance?" None, now, and there is no man, I will not say so wicked, but so foolish-I will not say so bent on destruction of freedom-so struck with judaical blindness, but so hastening on his own destruction-there is no man beyond the precincts of bedlam, who will stand up and say, "I am a friend to the Holy Alliance." (Immense cheering.) If there be any who admires that accomplished piece of perfidy who occupies the Calmuck throne, or who feels the slightest portion of respect for that mean and ungrateful piece of imbecility, which refuses to the honest German the fulfilment of the pledges and promises offered as a return for their bleeding and dying to restore it-if there be any man who admires that Prince's conduct-if there be any man who approves of the scourge of fair Italy, of Austria's tyrant-if there be any man who admires or approves of the most cruel and violent tyrant that ever sat upon a throne in ancient or modern days, that despot who has lost South America by supineness, and by the interested efforts of France still domineers (though I trust for a short time,) over Old Spain-if there be such a person, I will hold him as having an unnatural heart towards man. If there are such beings existing, I at least cannot discover them; there is at least this strange result, that they confine themselves to the regions that befit them best and their principles. They must belong, I should think, to some of the offices, where, among the crowd of clerks and loungers, they may devour their spleen in concealment; or they may be lurking behind the areas of courts, amid congenial vermin, the Fredericks, and Alexanders, and Francises, of spiders,

and lizards, and toads, and, worse than all, those who eat the toads. (Continued cheering.) I never can get them to confront me in Parliament; I have longed to see them there; I have variously applied and sought them there; you would not know them and the Holy Alliance, the one from the other; but this is clear, that if they are not better in their principles, they are better in their demeanour, and endeavour to hide themselves and their detestable tenets from the rays of that sun which would almost be disgraced with shining upon them.(Loud cheering.) It would indeed be presumption for me to address you longer on this subject; but I want to address myself to our younger friends who hear it said, that the first object of a public man is ambition. As to the glory felt in the possession of high places-there is glory, perhaps, but pleasures there are none at all; nor is it even true that places of that kind give real power. In my experience I have never seen it. Many a man is made a slave by this ideal construction of power. Ambition, in my sense of the word, means a life of real solid, substantial, and independent power. I confess I know no human being in the course of my whole experience, who has so little of that power as the Ministry of this country. My friend, our worthy Chairman, said something about being a party man. I totally differ with him in thinking, that there is any title higher in the estimation of mankind, or our own country, than that of a steady, consistent, honest party man.

I care not what misconstruction is put upon the word; I know no way, and I have not been able to discover any way, in which an honest man, except by connecting himself with a great party, can serve his country; but then, don't think I am talking like a party man,-in the parlance of a party man who is call

ed to high office. They are supposed to command, but there is nothing of the matter, but of compromise; give up a little to this man, and a good deal to another, and then give up everything to a third; and to one man in the community, if he holds up his little finger, everything is given up; come a little my way, say a yard, and I will go 150 miles your way; let me have one half hour in the course of the year, and let me have my own way, and then you will have all the year to yourself; and this is the thing they call power; and having established power in this way, they say "sacrifice to my object, compromise the thing, and keep up my ambition." Power is the gratification of my desire, I glory in the foundation on which I build. (Hear, hear.) I, therefore, at once deny that he ought to be called an ambitious man, who seeks after this place called power. He who is said to sacrifice it, applies to the legitimate source of all, power, and puts himself on his country, to make his knowledge serviceable to its interest, and does not flee after preferment, a place, or emolument. I truly believe some do not care so much for emolument; but those who care for patronage, and the pleasure of finding their tables constantly covered with ten thousand applications of craving suitors, who give you an opportunity, as a certain good artist in that way observed, of making one man grateful and twenty discontented; and of having their door blockaded by thousands, whose object it is to sacrifice your conscience to their interest, who stand not upon the extent of their merits, but upon having fewer bones in their backs, than the man of power has places to spare; and who, were they permitted to enter in the serpent form, would have the last place at his disposal. This is what men in power call pa

tronage; and he who sacrifices all this for the sake of enjoying the real power of man, is called an ambitious man.-Once more, I heartily return you my thanks for your kindness towards me. I consider it to be beyond my deserts, and I am happy in having seen so many persons, beyond any example of assemblage of persons that I ever saw met together on the like subject. It is gratifying to me, as an individual, beyond anything that words can express; and it is rendered infinitely more dear to me when I reflect, that it is the representation of the opinions of the pure and enlightened of my countrymen, which will finally secure a permanent blessing on it. I give "The lasting Prosperity of the City of Edinburgh." (Immense cheering.)

After a great number of toasts had been given, accompanied by appropriate speeches, the Chairman, at one o'clock, intimated to the meeting the propriety of their drinking goodnight, as Mr Brougham had just before their assembling completed a very fatiguing journey, and had to undertake another in the course of a few hours.

Mr Brougham rose to observe, that it was very hard the Chairman should lay upon him the blame of dissolving so excellent a meeting. He must certainly have supposed the stamina of his constitution to have been relaxed since he left Edinburgh, by residing in a more effeminate climate. He could assure him he was quite mistaken. He had only been up all one night, and the half of another; but two nights' sitting-up he valued as nothing. When in Edinburgh formerly, four o'clock, and not one, was his usual hour of going to bed. (Much laughter.) The truth was, the Chairman had exhausted his stock of toasts, and was obliged to resort to this expedient. But now that he was

upon

his legs, (to use a phrase common in another house,) he would endeavour to supply the want; in doing which, he would have to pronounce a name, which never was uttered in that same house but with praise of the thing it signified; and then some dire mischief was sure to ensue to that same thing:-he meant, "the liberty of the press." (Applause.) Whenever he heard that liberty vehemently praised by crown lawyers, or others in the house alluded to, then there was a moral certainty that some good stiff statute was forthcoming to shackle it. This meeting, however, he was persuaded, would drink the toast with perfect sincerity. (Much applause.)

Mr Cockburn left the chair, and the meeting immediately broke up.

THE KING AND THE CANADIAN

CHIEFS.

Windsor, April 9.-The interesting Canadian chiefs, accompanied by Sir John Chapman and Mr Irving Brock, brother of the late gallant Sir Isaac Brock, who fell in Canada during the last American war, proceeded on Thursday, by invitation, to the Royal Lodge, and were introduced to his Majesty on the lawn. Immediately on seeing the King, they fell on their knees, when the medallion of the late King, with which they had been invested by Sir Isaac Brock, attracted his Majesty's attention, who, observing to them, that as they had the portrait of his late father, perhaps they would have no objection to wearing his, immediately hung a handsome gold medallion round their necks, which they kissed with the utmost fervour. The grand chief then addressed his Majesty (in French) in the following words :

"I was instructed not to speak in the royal presence unless in answer to

your Majesty's questions; but my feelings overpower me; my heart is full; I am amazed at such unexpected grace and condescension, and cannot doubt that I shall be pardoned for expressing our gratitude. The sun is shedding its genial rays upon our heads. It reminds me of the Great Creator of the universe-of him who can make alive, and who can kill. Oh! may that gracious and beneficent Being, who promises to answer the fervent prayers of his people, bless abundantly your Majesty! may he grant you much bodily health; and, for the sake of your happy subjects, may he prolong your valuable life. It is not alone the four individuals who now stand before your Majesty who will retain to the end of their lives a sense of this kind and touching reception; the whole of the nation, whose representatives we are, will ever love and be devoted to you-their good and great father."

His Majesty's answer to their address was most gracious. It was in French also, and in substance as follows:-He observed that he had listened with great delight to their affecting and loyal address; that he had always respected the excellent people who formed the various tribes in his North American possessions, and that he would avail himself of every oppor→ tunity to promote their welfare, secure their happiness, and prove himself to be indeed their father.

His Majesty then conversed with them in the same language, in the most affable manner, for above a quarter of an hour. After seeing the interior of the Royal Lodge, the stables, the animals, and the birds, Sir Andrew Barnard conducted them to Cumberland Lodge, where a table, provided with refreshments, was prepared for them. On Thursday evening, they left Windsor for London, expressing their gratitude at having seen "their

great father, King George," and the manner in which they had been received. Besides the medallions hung round their necks, his Majesty presented each of them with a print from his full-length portrait by Sir Thomas Lawrence. We understand the business which brought them to this country, was to recover possession of some lands that had been taken from

them during the American war; and that a promise has been given them, that in case the same lands cannot be restored to them, they are to have a grant of another tract of land.

27-LONDON.-His Majesty held a leveeat his palace in Pall-mall, which was more numerously attended than the first; there being about a hundred more present. A guard of honour from the 3d regiment of foot guards attended, under the command of Colonel Drummond.

Amongst the earliest who arrived at the entrée, was the equipage of his Royal Highness the Duke of York, that of the Prince Leopold of SaxeCobourg, and two splendid state carriages of the French Ambassador.

The deputation from the Roman Catholics of Ireland waited upon his Majesty, to present an address voted to his Majesty at the last aggregate meeting of the Roman Catholics in Dublin, a few days ago. This deputation consisted of the Earl of Fingal, Lord Viscount Gormanstown, Lord Killeen, Sir Thomas Esmonde, Mr O'Connell, and other noblemen and gentlemen, to the number of 23. They were all in full court dresses, and having been introduced to his Majesty, the address was presented to his Majesty by the Earl of Fingal, and most graciously received. His Majesty was dressed in the blue Windsor uniform, and appeared in excellent health and spirits during the day.

MAY.

3.-LONDON.-The King's honouring Drury-lane Theatre with his presence being expected for about a week past, Mr Elliston has been exerting himself in making the necessary preparations for the reception of the Sovereign.

At a quarter before seven o'clock, notice was given that his Majesty was approaching, when the King appeared in a full general's uniform of the royal artillery. The King was received by the assemblage in the streets and at the windows of the houses he passed, with loud cheering, and every mark of respect and rejoicing. At an early hour the house was crowded almost to suffocation. His Majesty was received with deafening shouts and plaudits, waving of hats and handkerchiefs, and every demonstration of delight and attachment. "God save the King" was immediately commenced; but the agitation had not sufficiently subsided for the first verse to be audible. The song was rapturously encored. When at last the tumult of loyalty had subsided, the effects of the immense pressure in the pit commenced to be felt in a most serious manner. In the course of the evening, many gentlemen, totally overpowered by the heat and the pressure, were drawn out of the pit, with the assistance of the parties in the centre of the dress boxes. The wild scenes and majestic music of Der Freischutz were enjoyed in all their effect and grandeur. His Ma jesty frequently gave marks of appro bation, which were re-echoed by the audience. After the fall of the cur tain, "Rule Britannia" was played and sung by the whole company, the Monarch standing up again with his people. "God Save the King" was then repeated, with its accom