language. This abuse, as well as that of the press, will sooner or later produce a remedy, though perhaps not until their evil effects shall have been severely felt, and can be no longer suffered. The expence, too, of printing these petitions is enormous. What the Author says respecting the origin and consequences of the national debt, seems to be rather ironical, than seriously intended. Nothing, it is conceived, is more true or judicious than the Author's observation, that "when a petty constable, in the exercise of his office, is not as uncontroulable as the Great Mogul, there the government is in a sickly state; and without some effectual remedy, must fall into anarchy and confusion." For unless prompt obedience be paid to the law, namely, the authority of the state, there will no longer be a government, except in name. If the violation of it be allowed in one instance, it will soon be practised in others and in everything. Captains will command their general, and the soldiers will command both. It will be the same in the navy. Never, surely, was any conduct more unwise or short-sighted than to encourage or countenance a breach of the law, for the sake of a little transient popularity, the furtherance of a political measure of dubious utility, or for the sordid and despisable advantage of a temporary enjoyment of place and power. This is not merely speculative assertion, for after the destruction of the English monarchy and church, an envious and factious spirit was engendered, and a sect sprang up who contended that every man should be a lawgiver and divine, and that all men were equal and had equal rights, not only to liberty but to property, and a share in the government; whence they were named Levellers. A part of CROMWELL'S army imbibed these notions; they claimed the right of judging for themselves, without consulting, and even in opposition to their officers, and appointed a general meeting at Hounslow Heath, to consider of the public weal. Upon finding this, CROMWELL, with a chosen troop, unexpectdly appeared among them, and demanded to know what they meant: some of them gave him an insolent answer; these he instantly knocked down, and his troopers having cut down, hung up on the spot, and committed for trial a sufficient number of the rest, the other mutineers submitted, order was restored, and thus an end was put to levelling among the soldiers, and it soon subsided altogether. Such is the efficacy of well timed vigour. The remark in the concluding page of the Essay may, at this time, also merit notice, viz. "The clergy ceased to be a separate body from the state rulers; all creeds, with the controversies necessarily attending them, were laid aside, the clergy contenting themselves with the quiet exercise of their legal rites, and the quiet enjoyment of their legal revenues." It is evident the author here only contemplated the established clergy; peace certainly existed among them, and they were then, and they have ever since been contented with their legal revenues. He seems not to have thought of the dissenters from the church, of whatever persuasion. They, too, appear to have been at that period contented, though they were then subject to many disabilities, which have lately been most liberally removed. But now, not satisfied with these concessions, the dissenters are not only unwilling to allow the clergy, but seek to take from them, those revenues, to which this author, who was no bigot, declares they are legally entitled. This is not all. The dissenters want to force themselves into the Universities, which are essentially connected with our ecclesiastical establishment. This is the more strange, considering the opinion which the dissenters some years ago entertained of those seats of learning. In a discourse delivered by the celebrated dissenting minister, Doctor Richard Price, in the year 1787, at the meeting-house in the Old Jewry, to the supporters of a new Academical Institution for Protestant dissenters, are the following passages. "Let it be the study of the conductors of this institution to form men who shall in Christ's sense be babes rather than wise and prudent, that is, who shall possess the modesty, lowliness and teachable simplicity of children, rather than the pride and dogmaticalness of men, who, having been educated in colleges, think themselves wise and learned, but whose learning produces a worse entanglement of the understanding than common men are subject to, and is nothing but deeper ignorance, and more inveterate prejudice. This is the great advantage by which I wish this institution to be distinguished. It is to be formed on an open and liberal plan. Our universities are fortresses created for the security and preservation of the church of England, and defended for that purpose by tests and subscriptions." "This is a design that all must approve, who do not think that (the truth having been found out and established in this kingdom two hundred years ago) nothing remains to be done but to support it." "Thus did the Jews and Pagans think in our Saviour's time, and therefore rejected the divine light of Christianity. Thus do the Mahometans and Papists think of their national establishments; and therefore continue in darkness and superstition." Pa. 43, 44, 45. In this medley of Arianism, Anticalvinism and Antipapism the pious and modest doctor reprobates all religious establishments and systems, all creeds and sects but his own. However, he does not threaten any direct attack on the established church, -on the contrary, he says no harm can be done to it by an institution, the design of which is not to teach the peculiarities of any sect, but to inculcate such general instruction as shall form worthy citizens for the state, and useful ministers for the (his) church." 52, 53. It seems that the institution from which the doctor and his brethren thus promised themselves such great benefits did not succeed. But who, after what he has said above, would have supposed that the disciples of this pure school, would not only desire to become members of our proud, ignorant and prejudiced universities, but would endeavour to have those bodies compelled to receive their contemners? It is a compliment that could not have been foreseen. But so it is. Those who claim the liberty of teaching and inculcating whatever doctrines they think proper, wish to deprive others, much more numerous, of the same right, and to obtain admission on their own terms, into seminaries of whose doctrines, modes of instruction and discipline they complain. The ancient craft and fraternity of Freemasons have certain words and signs, rites, ceremonies and toasts which are not to be divulged, and which the members are bound by a solemn promise to observe. But suppose some inquisitive and curious individuals were desirous of entering into this benevolent society, without conforming to its regulations, alleging conscientious scruples, ought they to be entitled to do so; or would they have any right to complain of a refusal? This body has rendered and is constantly rendering great assistance to distressed brethren, and their families, and while left to themselves, will doubtless continue so to do; but if they should be controlled, their utility will be soon destroyed. Still it seems reasonable, either that, in those branches of education unconnected with divinity, dissenters should be admissible to the English Universities (as they are to those of Scotland and Ireland) and might have degrees conferred upon them; or that they should be enabled by charter to grant degrees in colleges of their own. But the interference of parliament with the Universities is deprecated. They should always be left at perfect liberty to use their own discretion. A like observation may be applied to our great seats of law learning, the inns of court. The world does not afford an instance of a similar class of persons, equally numerous, who are so learned, so independant, so honourable and respectable, as the barristers or advocates of the United Kingdom. Hence any extrajudicial or unusual meddling with their conduct or resolutions, especially if mixed with party considerations, must be ill-judged and pernicious; and it is earnestly hoped they will not suffer their decisions to be influenced in the smallest degree, or in a single instance, by any factious or unworthy clamour; otherwise it may be truly said, not farewell, but fare ill to those noble Institutions. G |