is, to von Ketteler, in the working-man's present condition, a mere mockery. Associated production, in the hands of the working-class itself, is to be its redemption from capitalism. While Lassalle, however, had turned to the State for the endowment of such productive industry, von Ketteler turned to the Church. Let Christians, he proposed, voluntarily supply the means for this industrial emancipation. What is this, indeed, but the renewal of that earlier spirit in which monasteries were endowed and cathedrals built? The new age calls for Christian munificence like that which enriched France and England with the splendors of Gothic art. "May God in his goodness quickly raise up men who will sow the fruitful idea of the association of production in the soil of Christianity."

It was a bold and noble conception of the social duty of a living Church, and, though the conditions of Germany were unpropitious and the scheme of von Ketteler was soon lost in larger plans of revolutionary socialism, it has had of late, at the centre of Catholic authority, a most interesting revival. No sooner had the social chaos of 1871 in France given way to some degree of order, than a group of Catholic Legitimists set themselves to the reorganizing of labor under the principles of religion. The principal representative of the French Catholic labor party, the soldierly and eloquent Count de Mun, found in the programme of industry suggested by von

Ketteler, and modified by the later German Catholic Socialists, a key to the situation.1 There must be revived that system of industry which the Middle Ages knew as guilds. Economic liberty is a modern illusion; the demand of the socialist for the reconstruction of industry under common ownership is legitimate and inevitable; but that common ownership should be religious in spirit and Catholic in administration. Religion must reorganize the old order, and must utilize legislation to that end. The State may strengthen the hands of the Church, but it is the Church which must reconstruct, under the tutelage of religion, the productive associations which Lassalle had vainly dreamed could be maintained by the working-men alone.

Should this picturesque revival of industrial feudalism, it may be asked, be a compulsory system, or a voluntary organization? The Comte de Mun and his allies urge the necessity of State authority and control; and their political demands coincide in the main with the programme of the Social Democratic party. On the other hand, there have sprung up in France a few voluntary associations which actually illustrate the practical direction of productive industry by the spirit of religion. Few more idyllic scenes are to be witnessed in the modern world than that presented

1 Nitti, "Catholic Socialism," p. 273 ff., p. 292 ff., with further references; Fortnightly Review, January, 1896, “An Object-lesson in Christian Democracy" (Val-des-Bois).

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by the famous factory of Léon Harmel at Val-desBois, a contented, secluded, homogeneous population, a "famille ouvrière," a picture of what the world of industry might be if only all workingpeople were French Catholics, and all employers were as devout and judicious as Harmel. Meantime the Church itself, while it has not authoritatively committed itself to either method of control, has given the highest approval to the general plan of a Catholic organization of industry. When the present Pope, in his remarkable Encyclical of May 15, 1891, enumerated the direct ways of economic relief which commended themselves to him, he began with these words: "First in order come the guilds of arts and trades. The increasing requirements of daily life render it necessary that these guilds be adapted to present conditions." Such suggestions, carefully guarded though they are, indicate the profound interest which has been awakened by enterprises like that of Harmel, and by parliamentary propositions like those of the Comte de Mun. A revival of guild life may indeed be impracticable except within the narrow limits of a homogeneous community; but it is at least one way of direct acceptance by the Christian Church of the economic issue, and it appears to have received the formal commendation of that remarkable man who, it is said, desires to be remembered as the Pope of the working-classes.1

1 The social doctrine of the Roman Catholic Church cannot be inferred from the view of Nitti's "Catholic Socialism," 1899. Indeed,

When we turn to the parallel development of Christian socialism in Protestant Germany, we find. as might be expected, less continuity and definiteness in social schemes, though not less determination to find a place for religion in the social movement. The history of such efforts begins with the work of a most interesting, though now half-forgotten, personality, the learned and devout Victor Huber.1 This diligent scholar had become acquainted, during his visits in England, with the work of Maurice, while, on the other hand, he had maintained a sympathetic correspondence with von Ketteler. Thus he was in some degree a link, uniting the Christian Socialist movement in Great Britain with that of Catholic Germany. From

one of the most curious features of this learned book is the reiterated criticism of its author by its translator. For authorized exposition of Catholic teaching see: Encyclical of May 15, 1891 (tr. Nitti, p. 404 ff.); American Catholic Quarterly Review, July, 1891, (a commentary on the Encyclical by Bishop Keane); Forum, January, 1897, De Vogué, "Pope Leo XIII"; and the very noteworthy book of Léon Gregoire (pseudonym), "Le Pape, les Catholiques, et la Question Sociale," 2e ed., 1895. Of a more general nature are: Soderini, "Socialism and Catholicism," with a preface by Cardinal Vaughan, 1896; Winterstein, "Die christliche Lehre vom Erdengut," 1898; see also J. G. Brooks, International Journal of Ethics, "The Social Question in the Catholic Congresses "; and American Economic Association, 1894, "The Papal Encyclical on the Labor Question."

1 R. Elvers, "V. A. Huber, sein Werden und Wirken," 1879; Göhre, “Die evangelisch-soziale Bewegung,” 1896, s. 6 ff.; Kaufmann, "Christian Socialism," 1888, p. 137. See also the references to Huber in England, in Maurice, "Life and Letters," 4th ed., 1885, Vol. II, p. 2 ff.

the one he derived his faith in industrial coöperation, applying the principle not only to production and consumption, but to building societies, loan associations, and even, under the title of "Home Colonization," to the organization of German village life; from the other he derived a confidence in the Christian organization of industry, which led him to establish his "Associations for Christian Order and Liberty." Huber, however, was a man born out of due time; he was politically a Liberal of the earlier school, equally opposed to the governmental paternalism which had already begun to dominate Germany, and to the revolutionary socialism which was formulating its first programme. There was no natural constituency for his scheme. He would have no governmental aid for his coöperative societies, nor, on the other hand, would he deliver them over to the Social Democracy. He put his confidence in private initiative and free Christian feeling. He had seen, in England, a few Christian scholars devoted to a working-class movement, and he fancied that there might be in Germany a similar leadership. He had not realized, however, the violence of the working-class reaction in Germany from all alliance with the prosperous. He was also, it is said, by temperament, lacking in conciliatory wisdom, and had something of that isolation of spirit which marks what the Germans call an "Einspänner." His career was one of disappointment; he withdrew from the academic circles of Berlin in 1851,