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with all its patience and temporizing at the outset, and its dark conclusion of persevering vindictiveness. We look forward, however, to the long-promised publication of her correspondence, which may perhaps supply more certain means than we yet possess for judging her policy. In the meanwhile, we can avail ourselves of M. Albèri's Life of Catherine, in which he has largely consulted M. Capefigue's work on the Reformation and League, and which sets forth the case in its most favorable colours, so far as Catherine was concerned.

passed the attack on Coligny of 22d August; but when it was known that the Admiral was wounded, the deeply sympathiz ing Charles, accompanied by his mother, paid him a formal visit, in which, with loving words and offers, and with a promise that the guilty should be punished, every comfort was afforded to him, and on the departure of the royal party, a guard was placed for the protection of the Admiral's residence, and to resist the entrance of any of the Catholic faction.

On the 23d of August, to follow out M. Albèri's narrative, Guise himself repaired to the royal presence, and requested leave for himself and his adherents to retire from the Court, to which the King replied that he might go where he pleased, but he, for himself, would know how to act if he should be convicted of guilty participation in the attack on the Admiral.

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How are the facts then stated by M. Alberi? In 1570 the agreement of St. Germans, concluded under the auspices of Catherine, composed for a time the feuds of the Catholic and Huguenot factions; and with a view to carry out the same policy, she next projected the marriage of her daughter Margaret with the young King of Navarre. On the other hand, her son, 'Factions are endued with a tiger's naCharles IX., entered into secret communica- ture,' continues M. Albèri. The populace tions with Louis of Nassau, one of the lead- had tasted blood, and would not depart ers of the Protestant cause in the Nether- from vengeance. The aspect of the city lands, with a view to devise means by was fearful.' A council was called under which French co-operation could be afforded the presidency of Catherine, the King, howwithout an open breach with Spain. Coligny, as is known, was a party to these negotiations. How far they were bona fide on the part of Charles seems very doubtful from the historic sequel, and, indeed, it is new to us to learn from M. Albèri that the youthful monarch himself inclined to the principles of the Reformation' (p. 112). The real enemy whom the Huguenots had to dread was, according to M. Albèri, the hostile population of Paris, who regarded them in the same light as that in which the Jews had been considered in former ages, and who were exasperated by the toleration now extended to the sect. The royal marriage increased the agitation; a spark only was necessary to produce a conflagration, and it was the will of Heaven that an opportunity should soon present itself conformable to the fierce intentions of the people' (p. 130).

ever, being absent, as it was feared that his 'youthful generosity' might not lead him to consent to the cruel exigencies of policy' (p. 140). Catherine herself wavered between the consideration of civil war, on the one hand, or a 'sudden execution' on the other, to prevent it. The death of the Huguenot chiefs was formally proposed, and it was only after a discussion that it was agreed that the King of Navarre and his brother should not be numbered amongst the victims. In the evening a fresh council: Catherine again described as wavering, but yielding to the remonstrances of her ministers. To this council Guise was ad mitted. He had in the meanwhile been engaged in organizing a rising of the people, and now, but for Catherine's opposition, he would have induced the council to consent also to the death of the royal princes. The King's consent remained to be obtained, The motive cause was supplied by the and, after 'long pressing on the part of his hatred felt towards Coligny by the Duke mother and the ministers,' it was finally of Guise, who regarded the Admiral as his given. 'Be it so,' was his reply, but let father's murderer. So patent was the dan- the massacre be of such sort that none shall ger, that Charles himself warned Coligny-remain to upbraid me.' And lest there mio padre,' as he called him-against any should be an opportunity for remorse, or steps calculated to provoke that resent- for the arming of the intended victims, the ment, and informed him that he had introduced troops into Paris to provide for his safety. 'Human foresight cannot, however, avail against the decrees of Heaven' (p. 132). For his own ends, Guise com

* Florence, 1838.

massacre was ordered for that very night ('fu ordinato il massacro per quella notte medesima '),-the ostensible plea being what M. Albèri describes as 'un assurda cospirazione' of which the Huguenots were to be accused.

The deed thus authorized by Charles, by

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his mother and his ministers, was carried the writer. But what is the general result? out, and M. Alberi expresses his opinion The responsibility of the massacre was at that, so far as they were concerned, they the end fully adopted by the King, and had confined themselves to an approval, in- motives of political expediency are unasmuch as it was by the act of others, and blushingly alleged as overriding every other contrary to all their wishes and interests, consideration. As to Catherine herself, that the initiative was taken' (p. 144). there is no attempt to deny her initiative Could Catherine, he urges, hope to preserve in the matter. She presides over the couna balance between the two parties after the cils, and it is she who excludes the King attack on the Admiral? for fear he should relent. It is Catherine The massacre, publicly proclaimed by who, while claiming immunity for the King Guise as the 'volontà del Rè,' proceeded of Navarre and his brother, gave her vote with all its horrors. Coligny, unable to for the murder of the other chiefs. Her sleep from the effect of his wounds, was influence is joined to that of the ministers giving ear to Calvin's Commentary on Job, in overcoming any scruples which the King read to him by a Huguenot divine. On hear- might have entertained. If her policy was ing the assault on his door, he fell on his an honest policy of conciliation between the knees, and called on that companion to unite two sects, why sanction the presence at with him in prayer, and to recommend his Paris of the Huguenot leaders, amidst a soul to heaven. And thus he met his death. population whose hostility must risk the M. Albèri gives us a miserable account object she had in view? On a former ocof the state of Charles during the mas-casion had she not, aware of a like danger sacre-hesitating_even after the authority for herself and her son, withdrawn to Fonhe had given. Then followed arguments tainebleau ? (p. 93.) Is there no room to to prove, that to uphold the royal authority, suspect a secret understanding in Guise's and even to neutralize the influence of Guise, offer to leave the Court, and his reception he himself must assume the responsibility a few hours later at the council, where the of the act; and on the evening of the 25th royal consent was finally given? What of August, Catherine held a secret council, evidence is there that the guard ostensibly at which it was determined that this should placed for Coligny's protection served in be done. Nor was time lost. The follow- any way to interfere with the catastrophe! ing morning, and whilst the massacre was And as to the alleged conspiracy, is it not yet in progress, the King, attended by a clear, from M. Albèri's own admission, that numerous retinue, traversed the city, as if it was a contemptible fiction? to applaud that which was done: Come per applaudire a quanto erasi infino allora operato,' are M. Albèri's words.

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The provinces lost no time in following the hideous example of the capital; but we must hasten to the last act of the tragedy. On the 28th of August, Charles, accompanied by Navarre and his brother, recovered (riconquistati) to the Catholic faith, visited the Parliament, and after a recapitulation of the past events, uttered the memorable words: It is my will that all should know that the executions carried into effect during these days have been the result of my express orders, with a view to prevent the effects of an abominable conspiracy; and thereupon the edict for the toleration of the new form of worship was formally cancelled.

We have thus endeavoured to give our readers a fair conception of M. Albèri's account of the transaction, and it will be for them to judge of the extent of justification which he has presented on behalf of Charles and his mother. Nor will our readers fail to appreciate the references to providential decrees, as well as to popular ferocity, to which so much is ascribed by

Our limits preclude us from discussing the question as to the alleged circular of Charles ordering the provincial massacres. Probably the deeds at Paris were a suffi cient mot d'ordre. We notice, however, with surprise, in some of the royal manifestoes then issued, a statement that, amongst other objects of the Coligny conspiracy, was the death of the King of Navarre,-a project which, as has been seen, was discussed in the council in the presence of Catherine. It is also difficult to repress a natural indignation, when, after reading Charles's promise to the Huguenots, 'de leur estre bon Prince et bening protecteur,' we read his instruction of the same date* to Mondoucet, his minister in the Netherlands, in which he states: 'It is probable that the fire thus kindled will spread through all the cities of my kingdom, and that all those of the said reli gion will be made sure of.' 'Made sure of!' We wonder whether these were the words used by St. Goard, the French minister at Madrid, when, on receiving news of the massacre, he suggested to Philip the imme

*Motley, Dutch Repub. i. 336.

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diate execution of all the French prisoners | this cannot be considered an idle task. One made captive at Mons? of the most important duties of the histoM. Albèri denies the charge of premedi- rian is the apportionment between individuals tation, and states that Catherine and her son and communities of the degree of responsi' used their utmost endeavours to moderate bility attaching to them; and if the lapse the atrocity' (p. 105). Such hypotheses are of time may throw difficulties in his way, considered by him as singolari;' and the he has corresponding advantages. The conreasons given in support are bestiali' (p. temporary writer, confused as he must 316), the mere notion is inconsistent with often be by an over-abundance of materials, the elevato ingegno' of Catherine. Nay must also find it hard to preserve an unmore, he even asserts that the documents biassed judgment. He stands too near the in his hands go far to absolve Catherine canvas to pronounce on the picture. Take, from all guilt of participation in the massa- for instance, our policy in China. Those cre' (p. 140). If historical facts* are taken who recollect Lord Grey's and Mr. Gladinto consideration, there is however a strong stone's early speeches will appreciate how presumption to the contrary. In 1559 we little has yet been realized in the shape of a know that an agreement had been entered moral from our proceedings. We may into between Philip and Henry, Catherine's have thought that we were acting on Bacon's husband, for the destruction of the Hugue- principle: 'Let nations that pretend to nots. Of such an agreement the Queen greatness have this, that they be sensicould scarcely have been ignorant. Alva ble of wrongs either upon borderers, merwas the negotiator, and the scheme was chants, or politic ministers, and that they indiscreetly revealed by Henry himself to sit not too long upon a provocation.' no less a person than William of Orange. have we during this lapse of years considIn 1564 took place the meeting at Bayonne ered how far, in carrying out our policy, we between Catherine and her daughter, the may have treated moral consequences as Queen of Spain; and here again we have to subordinate to material aims? Not less recognise the hateful presence of Alva, spe- remarkable is the instance of the Crimean cially charged to renew the project, though War, where, even with the aid of Mr. we learn from his despatches that his propo- Kinglake's graphic pages, the majority of sals were at that time declined by Catherine thinkers would pronounce very conflicting and her son. Lastly, in 1572, the relations opinions, not only as regards the national between France and Spain were, it is true, policy, but even as to the motives on which unfriendly, and Spanish suggestion was not it was supposed to be founded, and the immediately forthcoming; the seed had, results which it has secured. Such decihowever, been sown, and the hour of harvest sions are reserved for the labours of some had arrived; and if it be to chance that it is future historian, who will promote the ends to be ascribed, it is a most singular coinci- of public morality by fixing responsibilities, dence how fully the early scheme of Philip and thus putting an end to a latitude and and Henry II. was then carried out. uncertainty which will attach to the deeds of communities as well as of individuals, so long as they remain in the half-light or deceitful shadows of unwinnowed tradition.

But

When a man is known at a certain time to have placed in his pocket a pistol loaded, | with hostile intent; when he is also known, on a subsequent occasion, to have taken it One word more as to the massacre. The out, examined the priming, and again re- difficulties experienced even in these days in placed it there; and when he is finally arriving at the truth should suggest that known to have discharged it with fatal effect, some allowance should be made for the atthere will not be wanting grounds for a titude taken up by the Pope. Te Deums, suspicion that a fixed purpose of a hostile medals, and frescoes in celebration of the nature had existed in his mind, and that ac- massacre are not in themselves things well tion, however long suspended, was contem-fitted to soften Protestant prejudices. But plated throughout; and taking into account we must bear in mind that upon this, as the whole character of Catherine's proceed-upon other momentous occasions, the see of ings, and giving her the full benefit of M. Rome was imperatively called upon for imAlbèri's apologies and explanations, we mediate action, before the true facts of the must leave the case with a painful feeling case could by any possibility have been that the stigma which has attached to Cath- really known, if indeed they were not erine's name has by no means been re-designedly concealed. Take for instance, the letter of Philip 1. to Pius v., an

moved.

The careful investigation of a matter like

*Motley, Dutch Repub. i. 180, 208.

Gachard, Don Carlos et Philip II., vol. ii. p. 557, 650.

nouncing the measures he had adopted | incarnato,' which we take to have been against Don Carlos: could any statements some tight-fitting silk costume. However have been more misleading and disingenu- intimate the relations, the match was, howous? And shall we blame the Pontiff for ever, not to be; its unpopularity in Engpraising Philip's decision? If due allow- land was great, and the secretary alludes to ances were made on this principle, we are a popular tract against it, which we conconfident that a great step would be gained clude was the 'lewde seditious boke,' entiin the cause of historic truth. tled the Gaping Gulfe, against which Elizabeth fulminated a proclamation in 1579.* The Queen certainly appears to have entertained, at all events, very friendly feelings towards this prince, short in stature, marked with small pock, and unpleasing in manner,' as he is described by the Venetians. M. Baschet gives us a very curious letter which she wrote to him on sending him some presents, in respect to one of which she expressed herself, Veuillez voir dans l'autre, qui est un tour de toque l'image de la couronne de ce royaume que je voudrais d'autant plus vous mettre de ma propre main sur la tête, si j'en avais absolument le pouvoir,' and equally friendly is the tone of her letter to the Netherland States, in which she recommended him as 'un Prince qui lui est si cher qu'Elle fait autant de lui comme d'un autre soi-même.' In conclusion: the readers of history may be divided into two classes, those who are content to follow the lead of some writer of established reputation, and those who desire to examine authorities for themselves. It will be no slight advantage for both, that, forsaking for a time their accustomed form of study, they should endeavour to observe the continuous flow of events from the vantage-ground of some independent position. Though the aspect may thus seem to be ex parte, still, if the point of vision is well ascertained, the moral which will be drawn from the facts which pass before the eyes can be corrected by an appreciation of any bias attaching to the position of the observer, whilst he will secure all the advantages which attach to a fresh point of view, and one which commands the scene in its general aspects. If this be true, we can point out, so far as the times to which they relate are concerned, no better guides than the reports of the diplomatic servants of Venice.

We have endeavoured thus far to give our readers a notion of the relazioni of the sixteenth century; for those of the following century we must refer them to the interesting collection of Messrs. Barozzi and Berchet; but before concluding, we would wish to allude to a few particulars which they contain regarding Queen Elizabeth and Mary Stuart. As to the latter, we do not collect those details as to delicate health so frequently poured into Elizabeth's ears by her envoys at Paris. We do not meet with wishes such as Mason expressed to Cecil,* that God may take her to Him as soon as may please Him;' nor do we learn, as from Throckmorton, the particulars of the 'greenness of her complexion, and her faintings, only relieved by wine from the altar. But the Venetian reports fully confirm an opinion on Mary Stuart, which, in justice to Throckmorton, we will quote:t For my part, I see her behaviour to be such, and her wisdom and kingly modesty so great, in that she thinketh herself not to be too wise, .. but is content to be ruled by good council and wise men. . . . I cannot but fear her proceedings with the time.' The time, however, was soon to involve Mary in sad consequences. Correr describes the manner in which she was neglected by Catherine from the day she became a widow: but, wrote he, 'so long as she feared God and preserved her honour, she exercised her authority to the admiration of all.' Then came her failing fortunes and imprisonment in England, which the same writer anticipated would involve Elizabeth in a difficulty, only to be resolved by a 'siroppo resolutivo,' and thus, wrote he, 'this life, hitherto a comedy or tragicomedy, may end in a tragedy."

As to Elizabeth herself, there are many allusions to the various matrimonial schemes; amongst others, some curious details as to the D'Alençon courtship. Lippomano's secretary describes Elizabeth as presenting him every morning with a bouillon, and states that, in order to prove to Elizabeth the falsehood of some alleged personal deformity, the prince presented himself to her in a 'giuppone d'ermesino

* Stevenson, Cal. State Papers, i. 179.
+ Ibid. iii. 473

ART. IV.-The Five Great Monarchies of the Ancient Eastern World; or, the History, Geography, and Antiquities of

* Lemon, Cal. i. 633.

+ Motley, Dutch Repub. iii. 399.

Chaldæa, Assyria, Babylon, Media, and mit life, borrowing nothing from others, and Persia. By GEORGE RAWLINSON, M.A. developing knowledge and civilisation for Vols. I. to III, London. 1862-65.

itself. Even when, after the collision of races began, a people succeeded by martial superiority in establishing itself in the seat of a prior civilisation, it scorned the rich spoils of knowledge there laid like tribute at its feet-it would not stoop to pick them up, and preferred to destroy the mental wealth of the vanquished, rather than to preserve and inherit it.

It was in this fashion-so strange to us of modern time-that the great drama of civilisation proceeded in early ages. Each nation, either from necessity or by a bigoted choice, began life anew, working out for itself the endless problems, alike in the arts and in beliefs, which existence forces upon man's regard. Just as every individual has to learn for himself the varied lessons of life,

THE student of history in its widest form -of the records of civilized mankind for the last four thousand years-of that wide field of inquiry of which modern history forms, though the brightest, but an infinitesimal portion if measured by years-cannot fail to be struck, like Pascal, with the 'mingled greatness and littleness of man.' Nation after nation has risen into greatness, only to fade and utterly disappear. At successive times and in widely severed countries-now in China or India, in Egypt, or in the valley of the Euphrates, or far away amid the highlands of Peru, on the plateau of Mexico, or amid the now wilderness of Yucatan-some tribe of mankind has flowered into civilisation, has risen like a sun so in far greater degree did those old nations amid the surrounding barbarism, only to set, proceed. By this means a vast variety of leaving the darkness of night behind it. development, in different parts of the world, Each has perished in turn, extinguished by was rapidly attained in the early stages of some other tribe or nation-by some people civilisation. The very isolation of the which hated it, despised its knowledge, and nations of antiquity helped to produce the sought not to profit by or perpetuate its pe- same result. The growth of humanity culiar civilisation, but to destroy its monu- doubtless would have been hastened if the ments and obliterate its memory. In the means of locomotion and of diffusing knowyouth of civilisation, nations preferred to ledge which we now enjoy had existed from destroy each other's works and wisdom, the first; but in such a case the career of rather than to preserve and profit by them. mankind would never have been so various. Another and not less striking feature of A certain form, or forms, of civilisation those early times, so dissimilar from the would have been more rapidly developed, present state of things, was that each civ- but there would not have arisen that infinite ilised community led a solitary life of its and beautiful variety of national life which own, unknown to the rest of mankind,—a the past has bequeathed as a legacy of infountain of civilisation within its own nar-struction to later times.

row sphere, but whose light did not spread We of the present day can best appreto other parts of the world. Barriers of ciate the advantage of this. Now-a-days, darkness lay between them, separating each from the others. Egypt, China, India, Babylonia, were local suns, each shining brilliantly in its own narrow sphere, faintly illuminating a few surrounding satellites; but each of them was as little known to the other as the solar systems of the bright abysses of space are known to this little orb of ours. And just as we look upon this fair planet where we dwell as if it were everything, and all else were naught as if it were in fact (as our ancestors believed) the centre and chief end of creation, and that all the other distant orbs existed only to act as suns or moons or stars to us, things which would be meaningless and useless but for the fact of our existence: even so did each of those old nations regard the rest of the world. Each, shut in by impassable barriers, or looking disdainfully athwart the intervening darkness upon the distant glimmering lights beyond, led a her

no nation does or can lead a solitary life: it knows, and is in direct communication with, and is more or less affected by, all the others. National life, instead of necessarily developing diversity and variety as in early times, now tends more and more towards unity, similarity; and this tendency is as truly the progress of matured life as variety is the product of healthy youth. An eclectic spirit is the special characteristic of the present age. Each nation, having grown up to maturity in its own way, now begins to look around, and to learn from others. Without abdicating its own individuality, it compares itself with others, and modifies and improves its own life by observing what is good in theirs. This tendency will continue and advance: the natural result being the gradual disappearance of many points of difference, and a greater approximation of civilised life to a common standard. Variety, almost endless, has already been establish

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