The United States pursued a different policy in the Philippines. She skilfully adopted as her own the cry which the Filipinos had raised of "the Philippines for the Filipinos," and has been able in a measure to direct a movement which could not be suppressed. Writing of the situation in India M. Joseph Chailley says: "If the English were an idealistic people their rule would be easy and splendid; in their turn they would seize on the motto, 'India for the Indians.""

The modest concessions produced no great moral effect. In 1870 Lord Mayo inaugurated a restricted system of local government which was somewhat extended by his successor, Lord Lytton. By 1878 the native press had become so violent that it was necessary to establish a censorship. The first serious effort at reform on principles favorable to native participation in the government was made by Lord Ripon-"the first Viceroy to discover the new India, the India not of expanding boundaries, but of expanding souls." During his term of office municipal and urban boards based on the elective principle were established. For the first time "the natives became of some account in the management of their own affairs." The Press Act was repealed, but an attempt to authorize the trial of Europeans by native judges raised such a storm of indignation that it had to be materially modified.76

In 1892, under Lord Lansdowne, a large non-official element was introduced into the Provincial Legislative Councils. Some very substantial concessions were thus made, but nevertheless the Indians remained politically strangers in their own land.

Thus matters rested for sixteen years. During that time there was a general movement throughout Asia which boded ill for European control. The success of the Japanese in the war against a European power greatly stimulated the activities of those who were working to develop the idea of nationality and to consolidate the Asiatic races. Lord Curzon, who ruled India. from 1899 to 1905, sympathized with the aspirations of the In

76 For the history of the famous "Ilbert Bill," see Lord Cromer's article on Sir Alfred Lyall, in The Quarterly Review for July, 1913.

dians for greater national unity and with their ambition to play a part in the life of the country, but he believed that India then needed administrative reforms more than political concessions. The keynote of his remarkable administration was "efficiency," a word which he believed to be a "synonym for the contentment of the governed."

The experience of the British in India and of the Americans in the Philippines shows that this, like many other perfectly sound and valid principles, will not always work with Orientals. The fact is that they care very little for efficiency in administration. In a community of politically half developed and excitable Eastern people who are living under the imposed dominion of an alien race, it is a waste of breath to advise them to eschew politics and devote themselves solely to the developing of the material resources of the country. Probably it is exactly what they should do, but certainly it is what they will not do.

Soon after Lord Morley became secretary of state for India in 1905 it was decided to make further substantial concessions to the natives of India. The jubilee of the Queen's Proclamation of 1858 furnished an occasion for stating this intention in an impressive way. In the Proclamation of the King-Emperor, November 2, 1908, it was announced that:

"Steps are being continually taken toward obliterating distinctions of race as the test for access to posts of public authority and power. In this path I confidently expect and intend the progress henceforward to be steadfast and sure, as education spreads, experience ripens, and the lessons of responsibility are well learned by the keen intelligence and apt capabilities of India.

"From the first the principle of representative institutions began to be gradually introduced, and the time has come when in the judgment of my Viceroy and Governor-General, and others of my Counsellors, that principle may be prudently extended. Important classes among you, representing ideas that have been fostered and encouraged by British rule, claim equality of citizenship and a greater share in legislation and government. The politic satisfaction of such a claim will strengthen, not impair,

existing authority and power. Administration will be all the more efficient if the officers who conduct it have greater opportunities of regular contact with those who influence and reflect common opinion about it.””

Just at this inopportune time the irreconcilable and criminal element among the agitators began throwing bombs and murdering officials. The Liberal government met the situation with firmness, but refused to abandon its plans at the instigation of the extremists of either violence or conservatism. The regulations of 1818 relating to the deportation of seditious characters were revived and in recognition of the fact that "you may put picric acid in a pen and ink just as much as in any steel bomb,” a Press Act and an Explosives Act were passed.

In a speech replete with the greatest magnanimity, Lord Morley appealed for support to the best class of Indians:

"Time has gone on with me," he said,78 "experience has widened. I have never lost my invincible faith that there is a better mind in all civilized communities-and that this better mind, if you can reach it, if statesmen in time to come can reach that better mind, can awaken it, can evoke it, can induce it to apply itself to practical purposes for the improvement of the conditions of such a community-they will earn the crown of beneficent fame indeed. Nothing strikes me much more than this, when I talk of the better mind of India-there are subtle elements, religious, spiritual, mystical, traditional, historical in what we may call for the moment the Indian mind, which are very hard for the most candid and patient to grasp or to realize in their full force. But our duty, and it is a splendid duty, is to try."

In 1907 two Indians were appointed members of the Council of India in London, and soon thereafter another was made the legal member of the Viceroy's Executive Council. The legislation of 1909 resulted in the enlargement of the Imperial and Provincial Legislative Councils. The size of the former was trebled, the number of non-official members increased, and greater

77 The Proclamations of 1858 and 1908 are printed in the Appendix to Morley's Indian Speeches, 1907-1909.

78 Speech at Arbroath, October 21, 1907, Indian Speeches, p. 42.

scope was given to the elective principle. As increased, the Imperial Council consists of sixty-eight members, of whom thirtysix are official and must vote with the government. Of the remaining thirty-two non-official members, four are nominated by the viceroy, two elected by Chambers of Commerce, one by the Indian trading communities, seven by the landed interests of seven provinces, six by the Mohammedans and twelve by the non-official members of the Provincial Councils or by rural and urban boards in the Central Provinces where no councils exist. The control thus remains with the government. In the Provincial Councils, however, the non-official members have a majority and may outvote the government on legislative matters. In the Provincial Council of Bengal the elected non-official members. outnumber the nominated members, both official and non-official.

It is not easy to overestimate the importance and significance of these concessions. They are especially interesting in view of the charges of rashness which were so generally made against the United States when similar powers were conceded to the Filipinos.

As to the general effect of this reform legislation, Sir Bampfylde Fuller says:

.79

"For the educated and well-to-do the State is then no longer to be regarded as an esoteric institution, with whose behests their only concern is to obey. Encouraging results can already be observed, although so far they are mainly indirect fruits of the concession. At the Council board Indians meet British officials upon equal terms; this equality is advantageous to both parties; the one gains in invigorating self-esteem, the other loses an aggravating air of superiority. Non-official opinion is bridled by responsibility, and elected members, who make their entry in declamation, soon settle down to dispassionate discussion. The offer of an authorized opportunity to public criticism lessens its inclination for tempestuous attacks, whether in the press or in such informal gatherings as the National Congress-a convention in which representatives of the educated classes have annually met to discuss and ventilate their grievances. These gains are indi

79 The Empire of India (1913), p. 284.

rect, but they are very substantial. In the direct exercise of their legislative functions non-official members have not as yet made any great mark upon state policy; they generally find that their earnestness is discharged by their eloquence; having spoken with credit they feel relieved of concern with practical issues. But in this they do not differ from many Western orators."

He then calls attention to a fact which is noticeable in all Eastern countries which are subject to Western control-the disposition of the politically favored to represent their class only and ignore the common man.

"There is," he says, "a real danger that, under the new régime, the States will find it so troublesome to interfere on behalf of the working classes (who have in Council no spokesman of their own) that it will treat their interests with the indifference which they have suffered under the middle class Cabinets of the West."

Lord Morley said that the government in passing this reform legislation had no intention to pave the way for parliamentary government in India. It is hard to believe, however, that he and the other responsible Liberal statesmen could have been unaware of the fact that they were entering upon a road along which their successors must continue to travel until the goal is reached —and that is the government of India by the Indians, subject possibly to sufficient control to maintain its connection with the British Empire. 80

At a meeting of the National Congress at Madras in 1908, one of the leading Indians, Mr. Surendra Nath Banerjee, thus expressed the understandings and aspirations of his people. “I will not say that we have got all that we want. We want absolute control of our own finances and executive administration. We have got neither; but I believe that these reforms and pro

80 "Some Englishmen appear to think that our duty lies in the direction of developing self-governing principles all along the line, and that we must accept the consequences of their development whatever they may be—even, I conclude, to the extent of paving the way for our own withdrawal from the country. I do not conceal from myself that the consequences may be serious in so far that they may materially increase the difficulty of governing the country; but I altogether reject the extreme consequence of possible withdrawal." Lord Cromer, Ancient and Modern Imperialism, p. 125.