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valor. The Filipinos conducted their irregular warfare with skill and a considerable degree of success, and thus succeeded in postponing for a few months the day of complete submission. During that time they made life very unpleasant for the Americans and subjected their own people to untold miseries.

43

The municipalities which had been organized under American military supervision were centers of insurgent activities. It was from them that the serious opposition to pacification came. The acceptance of American authority, which was involved in the holding of municipal office, was never, with the people, more than a mere form. In fact, the municipal politicos seem to have regarded the oath of loyalty to the United States as a performance which had a real value, because it tended to throw the Americans off their guard. Their hearts were always with their friends in the bosca, to whom they rendered every assistance in their power. The offices of municipal president and councilmen were the best possible vantage grounds for their purposes. Most of the towns had complete secret insurgent municipal governments, which operated simultaneously and within the same sphere as the American organized local government, and in many instances the offices were held by the same persons. The officials acted thus openly in behalf of the United States and secretly in behalf of the insurgents, apparently with equal solicitude for the interests of both. Their actions present a very curious study in the psychology of the Oriental. In such matters as the peace of the town, the regulation of markets, labor on roads, streets and bridges, and the opening and conducting of schools, these men were very active and accepted with alacrity the guidance and assistance of the Americans. At the same time they were collecting contributions and supplies, recruiting men and sending military information to the Filipino leaders in the field. Nearly every town, regardless of the fact of American occupation, was thus a base for insurgent military activities. When closely pressed a band of guerrillas simply dissolved and reappeared as 43 See Robinson, The Philippines, etc., pp. 292–313.

peaceful citizens of a near-by barrio. It is doubtful whether the skill with which the system was operated has ever been equaled. As General MacArthur well said, "The people seemed actuated by the idea than in all doubtful matters of politics or war, men are never nearer right than when going with their own kith and kin regardless of the nature of the action or of its consequences.

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There was at this time almost complete unanimity of action on the part of the native population in the provinces of the islands not inhabited by the Moros and uncivilized tribes. The exceptions were found among the comparatively few educated and intelligent people whose material interests were involved and whose knowledge of the world enabled them to form a fairly just and reasonable judgment upon such affairs. But the common people had been so stirred by the events of the war and by the appeals of the radical leaders that they refused absolutely to follow the leadership of the conservatives. This unanimity of sentiment had been brought about by various means. Intimidation and fear were doubtless potent factors, but they were not alone sufficient to account for the apparently spontaneous actions of several millions of people. "It is not improbable," wrote General MacArthur, very truly if somewhat ponderously, "that the adhesive principle comes from ethnological homogeneity which induces men to respond for a time to the appeals of consanguineous leadership even when such action is opposed to their own interests and convictions of expediency."

It is a remarkable fact that throughout this period of confusion and disorganization the Filipinos were anxious to assist the army officers in their laudable efforts to introduce a system of primary education for the common people. But Americans were inclined to attach excessive importance to this ambition for education. The people were and are eager to acquire knowledge, but principally because they regard it as a means by which they are to obtain the satisfaction of their ambition to control their own affairs. As American interests and Filipino aspirations in this respect ran on the same lines, it was easy to work together. The

educational work which was commenced by American officers in the municipalities was enthusiastically seconded by even the most disloyal natives. They desired particularly to have the children taught the English language, as they appreciated its practical advantages for the purposes they had in view.

CHAPTER XVIII

The End of the Military Régime

BUILDING A GOVERNMENT

Policy of the Administration-Civil Government in Occupied TerritoryUnpopularity of the Policy-Elihu Root, Secretary of War-War Department in Charge-War Powers of President-Civil Government by Civilian Agents-Constitutional Questions-Theories of National Power-Power to Acquire and Hold Territory-The Political Precedents-Secretary Root's Theory-The Insular Cases-The United States Philippine Commission-The President's Instructions-Principles of Government Adopted-Questions for Consideration-Legislative Power of Commission-Reception in ManilaLocal Conditions-Building a Government-Further Efforts at Reconciliation -Presidential Election in the United States-Final Blow at the Insurrection -Deportations-Organization of Federal Party-Early Legislation-Civil Service Law-Reorganization of the Judicial System-Municipal Code-Provincial Government Law-The Beginnings of Baguio-Tour of the Islands -Organization of Provincial Governments-The Spooner Law-Capture of Aguinaldo.

In his message of December 5, 1899, President McKinley informed Congress that there seemed to be no good reason why steps should not be taken at once to organize local governments essentially popular in the parts of the territory of the Philippines which were already under the control of the army.

The Schurman Commission urged the importance of instituting civil governments in the provinces and towns at the earliest possible date, but the work had been delayed by the insurrection. Although the native government and the organized forces by which it had been supported were now dispersed, it was clear that it would take an indefinite time to capture or exterminate all the irregular bands which continued to operate in certain localities. Race hatred and personal bitterness were increasing. The feelings and sympathies of the people were overwhelmingly anti-American. But the Filipinos had eaten of the fruit of war,

and found it very bitter. It was the duty of the statesmen to provide something which would inspire them with hope and confidence and direct their attention to the task of rebuilding the country. Military government always has the defects of its qualities and it is necessarily harsh and unpopular. It was believed that the prospect of immediate peace under a liberal and popular system of government would tend to weaken the attachment to what was manifestly a lost cause. Proclamations and promises alone would not do. So many Spanish promises had been broken that the Filipinos had become skeptical. It was important that some at least of the American promises should at the earliest possible time be translated into accomplished facts.

The political conditions in the United States also seemed to require that such a course should be pursued. The policy of the administration was on trial before the country, and it is absurd to criticize politicians or statesmen for giving consideration to matters which will affect the probability of their continuing in office. Out of office they can do nothing; in office they may be able to carry out their policies. The successful establishment of civil governments in parts even of the Philippines would be conclusive evidence of progress toward the fulfilment of the prediction that the insurrection would soon be ended and that the common people would, if given the opportunity, willingly accept American control. There were thus good reasons, some of them political, others arising out of the condition of affairs in the islands, why the work of organizing local governments should not wait until the military authorities had captured every outlaw and by disciplinary measures taught the Filipinos to love the flag.

The policy adopted was not popular with the army or with the newspaper correspondents who taught the home people what they should think with reference to the Philippines, and it caused much unpleasant friction between the civil and military authorities. The former felt that their work was

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