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of patient labour to bring about. But for, and Machiavelli knew what the gentlemen such a moment we must wait very pa- who nowadays write revolution ary leading tiently. And thus hatred, being a settled articles do not know, that a revolution determination to exact the full revenge for always has in it elements of personal a great wrong, has about it a something hatred. And when a few keen haters very terrible. It is, to a great extent, ab- league with a few fiercely abstract thinkstract and impersonal. The man who is ers, when the man who holds that evdaya possessed by it becomes more or less in-va is loórns leagues with the man whose sensible to all ordinary motives, and is so far superhuman or inhuman. And hence, too, it is that to those who have never felt hatred, or who are incapable of feeling it, it has about it a weird character, and awakens a chilly feeling, half of fear and

half of dislike.

sister Pisistratus has insulted, and whose father he has stabbed, then it is that stormy times are at hand for the Pisistratidæ. The story of Harmodius and Aristogiton is not exactly nice reading. But it is the type of all revolutions. At the bottom of Fenianism lies personal hatred towards this or that evicting landiord. And as long as the Houses of Lords and Commons are filled with commonplace, decorous, middleaged men, whom hardly anybody respects, but whom nobody hates, so long a revolution whatever the Daily News may think - is far enough off. It was personal dislike for certain prominent Adullamites that really provoked the riots of 1867. And it would be a curious, although an impertinent, question to ask how far there is any secret history of the implacable attitude adopted by the great Chancellor towards Austria and Frankfort.

Great

In private life hatred is very rare. wrongs are seldom inflicted upon men who are fully alive to them, and, even when such a thing happens, the hatred is cherished, but has no chance of showing itself. Few men hate any one as keenly as Shel

It is easy enough, then, to distinguish hatred from its spurious forms. Spitefulness consists in taking little revenges for little injuries. It is, as it were, the little hatred of a little mind; and it might, perhaps, interest Mr. Darwin to observe that monkeys can be, and often are, excessively spiteful, exactly as children are more spiteful than women, and women, as a rule, than men. Worse than spitefulness, because more inhuman, is malignity, which may, in a sense, be described as the hatred of a bad man, for those whose superiority to himself is brooded over by him until he hatches it into a wrong. Of malignity pure and simple Iago is probably the only type; and to see wherein it differs from hatred we need only compare Iago with Shylock. Shylock's wrongs are genuine, at least, and it is very doubtful how far he deserves to be cut off from all our sym-ley hated Lord Eldon; and yet Shelley's pathy, or how far our estimate of him is not affected by the fact that his revenge has about it too much of the shambles, and that his exultation is a little too noisy. Hatred in its least objectionable shape is too abstract a passion to be very cruel; and there is, after all, a great distinction between the cruelty which delights in the infliction of pain, and the cruelty which denies mercy. Our English soldiers did their bloody work very zealously in India and very thoroughly; but it is doubtful whether they deliberately tortured, as Damiens was tortured, or- however much they may have revelled in killing-cared to dwell upon pain.

Aristotle is never weary of warning tyrants that they must above all things avoid being hated, and must keep their hands off the wives and the property of their subjects. Machiavelli has much the same lesson to teach, and, almost with tears in his eyes, beseeches us never to injure an enemy unless the injury be such as to put revenge out of his power, and to leave his hatred impotent. Both Aristotle

nature was too finely strung for hatred ever to be with him more than a sentiment. It is fortunate for the world that so few of us should be capable of hatred at all, that so few should have occasion for it, and that so very few should be able to gratify it.

In a mere piece of natural history moral criticisms are out of place. It is true beyond all doubt that, to overcome our wrath is a greater achievement than to take a city. It is also, we may add, far less frequent. But it is, perhaps, worthy of notice that a keen and determined hater almost always has in him a tinge of Semitic blood. It is only in the East that the duty of the Thar descends from father to son; that David makes Solomon swear that the hoar head of Joab shall not go down to the grave in peace, and that Solomon religiously keeps his oath. With us civilization has brought the high moral truth that it is no part of a son's duty to avenge the wrongs of his father, and Orestes has, in consequence, a wholesome horror of the Erinnyes. This, perhaps, is why it suits

us to argue ourselves into a belief in Hamlet's insanity. When the son regards his own wrongs with complacency, and his own enemies with charity, then Astræa will return. Until then, we must content ourselves with such charity as that of the Earl of Crabs, who never injured even his biggest enemy unless he was perfectly sure of getting something by it.

From The Pall Mall Gazette.
A RECOVERED MS.

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spent some time in the library at Münster for the purpose of collating MSS. He told Professor Bickell there that some time ago certain Chaldee priests who had stayed with the Thomas Christians in India had brought back copies of the book in question, and had made a present of one to the Catholic patriarch of Elkosh (near Mossul). The story seemed especially as emanating from that not very trustworthy scource rather apocryphal, and no further steps were taken to ascertain its truth. Two years afterwards, however, Professor Benfey was informed by Bickell that the very patriarch to A VERY important discovery is an- whom the copy was said to have been prenounced by Professor Benfey in the All-sented was attending the Vatican Council gemeine Zeitung. Many of our readers at Rome. Both he and another Chaldee are aware that there exists an Indian fa- ecclesiastic, temporarily in Rome, were at ble-book called "Panchatantra" ("the once communicated with, and their anfive books"), which in itself is an extract swer, dated about this time last year, of a larger Sanscrit work dating from proved the archdeacon's news to be fallaabout the sixth century of our era, treat- cious, but at the same time made the existing in from twelve to fourteen chapters ence of a like MS. at Mardin most probapolitical questions in the guise of ani- ble. Benfey, upon this, addressed himself mal fables." This larger work, however, without further delay to Dr. Socin, from owing to this very extract, or rather se- Basle, ther travelling in Asia. Socin, on lection in an enlarged form, which had be- his part, did not hesitate to act on the hint, come extremely popular in India, not on- though, as he said, with but little hopes. ly fell into oblivion on its native soil, but In a letter announcing the discovery, he disappeared bodily. Previous to its re-writes to Benfey that there was, as he modelling, however, this original had knew by experience, little credence to be found its way into Persia, and was there given to the boastings of the Oriental translated into Pehlvi - and this version Christians regarding the literary treasures was also lost. Not, however, before it in their possession. In the course of his had again been translated into Arabic, prolonged journey through the "Christian and out of this last rendering have flowed Mountains," the Tur el Abedin, he had visthe innumerable medieval and modern, ited many monasteries little known before, Eastern and Western, translations by but he hardly ever saw anything but Biwhich this so called book of "Kalila and bles. Moreover all books were watched Dimna" has become familiar in European over with fanatical eyes, and there was literature. Besides this Pehlvi version, nothing to be got by purchase: possibly however, there had existed, according to bribery might do something, but even that a Nestorian writer of the thirteenth cen- only under exceptional circumstances. tury, another in Syriac, also done from He went, however, to Mardin. The only the original Sanscrit work, and also dat-likely place he could think of there was ing from the sixth century. But no trace the library of the Jakobite monastery, of it had been found, and, indeed, the Nes- Der ez Zaferan, five and a half leagues torian's account of it was considered by from Mardin, in the mountains. no less an authority than Silvestre de Sa- some difficulties he obtained access to it, cy to be based on some mistake and ut- but having examined its whole stock of terly groundless. Yet who shall say what about four hundred very commonplace these latter days of ours will not bring to books, he returned disappointed to Marlight? This Syriac version, the oldest din, where again he made the most diligent manuscript embracing the whole contents inquiries, without any result. At last one of the lost original Sanscrit work, has sud- day he "took his heart into both hands," denly turned up, and the circumstances and went boldly into the Chaldee monasof its recovery form not the least interest-tery itself, a step all the more hazardous ing part of the story. The very first ink- as he happened to live in the American ling of its existence was brought by a Syr- Mission-house, and the Christians of the ian archdeacon from Ooroomiya, named different sects of that locality were not on Jochanan bar Babish, who, in May, 1866, the very best terms. More especially did

After

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the Catholics of the monastery hate these country, may perhaps appear to simpleProtestant missionaries. Luckily Dr. So-minded villagers and townsmen achievecin's servant was a Catholic, and having ments worthy of enthusiastic admiration; given his master a most unexceptionable but King Amadeo is probably conscious character, the latter was admitted into that he has only accomplished the prethe library. Again nothing but Prayer- liminary part of his task. By making himbooks and Bibles at first, until Socin asked self personally known to the inhabitants point-blank whether they had any fa- of the provinces as well as of the capital, ble books. Yes, there was one, was the he is doing his best to secure for himself instant answer. A volume was brought, a fair trial; and perhaps frugal Spaniards and on being opened at once proved to be may be gratified by the information that the precious MS. There stood the title he gets up early, and that he spends little Lalilag v Damnag," in red letters, as time over breakfast and dinner. As comlarge as life, showing further by the final pared with his former competitors for the "g" that it was not a translation from the Crown, he has an advantage in the imposArabic as had been suspected. Dr. Socin, sibity that anything can be said against of course, "dissembled," and the worthy him. The crowds which assemble to apfather had not the faintest inkling that plaud him on his journey are willing to that was the work for which he had been give him credit for the services which he specially asked under its title; which says may perhaps hereafter render to the counbut little for the father's scholarship. A few days after "a worthy man" was despatched by our savant to "borrow" the volume. Asked whether it was not rather the Fréngi, "the Prot" (Protestant), who had sent him, he strenuously denied this, and obtained the prize. Once holding it in his possession Dr. Socin grew bolder, and sent messages to the monastery to inquire for the price at which they would part with it. An indignant reply and strong suspicions were the result, but Socin had already handed the work over to copyists, and shortly afterwards received "post tot discrimina rerum the copy in question safely at Aleppo. He then despatched it to Professor Benfey, who, together with Dr. Hofmann and Professor Bickell, is now engaged in editing it. The only question yet to be solved is whether this translation flowed directly from the Indian original or from the Pehlvi rendering. Anyhow it is the oldest version in existence of the irretrievably lost Indian original, and is, as such, if for no other reason, one of the most precious documents extant.

From The Saturday Review.
KING AMADEO.

THE young King of Spain has in his brief career given so many proofs of good sense that he may be trusted not to rely too coufidently on his present popularity. That a spirited young King should look well and bear himself gracefully, that he should review troops, return the salutations of assembled crowds, and show a general interest in the customs of the

try. The reception which he has obtained seems to prove that the prejudice against Royalty in Spain is confined to a minority. A King is better qualified than a President of a Republic to serve as a symbol of national greatness and unity. Claims founded on merit are disputable and invidious, but there can be no doubt as to the pre-eminent rank of a King. The multitude may perhaps not appreciate the more important qualities of permanence and of impartiality among contending factions. The King of Spain has been apprenticed early to his craft, and, if he retains his position, he will in time acquire larger experience than any Minister or any leader of Opposition. Up to the present time he has judiciously exhibited an even exaggerated respect for the strict rules of constitutional government, but in time he will find it necessary to exercise a direct influence on public policy. Some of the advisers by whom he is surrounded, including the present Prime Minister, are capable statesmen; and if the King can overcome the difficulties which are likely to beset the early part of his reign, he may perhaps profit by the accident which deprived him of his original patron and principal supporter. Prim must, as long as he lived and remained in power, have been the first man in Spain.

The history of the last three years seems to show that the Spaniards are not extraordinarily difficult to govern. General and growing prosperity conduces greatly to the maintenance of order. The public and private misconduct of Queen Isabella affected the Court, the upper classes, and the army more immediately than it concerned the bulk of the population. The revolution by which she was de

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throned was accepted by the country with Queen's conduct and character was more languid approval, and the announcement unpopular than the devotion to the Church on the part of the Provisional Government that a King would in due time be forthcoming excited neither impatience nor dissatisfaction. Attempts at disturbance by Carlists or Republicans were easily suppressed; and it seemed possible that a nominal monarchy without a King might last for a long term of years. The Regency of Serrano was a casual experiment of a new kind of government which has since been adopted in France; but Prim, unlike M. Thiers, was anxious to terminate as soon as possible a professedly temporary arrangement. After several failures, of which one incidentally served as a Fretext for a great Continental war, he selected the young Prince who seems to have a fair chance of founding a dynasty. One unsatisfactory consequence has followed from the establishment of a definitive form of government. The union of the parties who made the last revolution, end who acted together under Prim and Serrano, has been violently dissolved; and it is not known whether the Progressists, of whom the present Ministry is formed, command a majority in the Cortes. If Serrano and Topete with their friends engage in active Opposition, the Republicans may again prove troublesome, and even formidable. The Duke of Montpensier has been injudiciously affronted, and any partisans who may still adhere to the cause of Queen Isabella or her son will not fail to join in any combination which may embarrass the Government. In the event of a general election the personal popularity | of the King may perhaps tend to increase the strength of the Ministers; but it is easy to foresee that business will not proceed as smoothly as the pageants of the King's provincial progress. Some of the leading members of the Progressist party have refused to serve under Zorrilla.

It would seem that religious animosity is for the present suspended in Spain. According to the accounts of newspaper Correspondents, the rural clergy shout and weep with their flocks when King Amadeo pauses to show himself at a village or railway station. Hopes are perhaps entertained that the son of the contumacious King of Italy may be inclined to re-enter the fold of orthodox conformity. Nothing can be more judicious than attention to religious observances; and it is unnecessary and inexpedient to court any quarrel with the priesthood; but a dupe or bigot will always be insecure on the throne of Spain. No part of the late

and to the Pope which she combined with a remarkably lax morality. The Spanish bishops and clergy have little influence with the educated classes, and, as long as they are not persecuted, they will probably not exert themselves to spread disaffection among the peasantry. The more extreme politicians of the order are divided among themselves between the male heir of the Bourbon family and the son of the late Queen. All sections of the clergy have equal reason to dread the accession to power of the Republicans, who in Spain. as in France, are deadly enemies of the Catholic Church. As there is no hope of restoring either of the Bourbon families, prudent ecclesiastics will perhaps hold that even a Prince of the House of Savoy may be tolerated as the alternative of a Republic. Nothing is known with respect to the more important question of the feeling of the army. Since the death of Prim no conspicuous leader is left to make his influence with the soldiery an instrument for attaining political power; yet it would be premature to assume that the era of military revolutions is absolutely closed. O'Donnell, Narvaez, and Prim himself, attained power by movements beginning with mutinies; and not a single instance occurred of any popular resistance to the decision of the army. After his final triumph Prim was in the habit of addressing admirable exhortations to the troops on the duty of implicit obedience to the civil power; but perhaps the moral effect of his precepts may have been impaired by the recollection of his practical exploits. If the King is adroit enough to attach the army to his own person, he may guard himself against a danger which constantly impended over his predecessors. Young as he is, he has had greater experience of real war than any Spanish general; and although he may not have been entrusted with serious responsibility in the Austrian campaign, he proved that he inherited the personal courage which has always been an attribute of his family.

At first sight there seems to be something whimsical in the applause lavished on a King of whose existence the majority of Spaniards were ignorant only twelve months ago. The cynical observer may reflect that the King of Portugal or Prince Leopold of Hohenzollern would, but for causes with which the Spanish people have no concern, perhaps at this moment have been objects of the welcome which is bestowed on King Amadeo; yet the popu

lace might, under due instruction, viudi-¡ and enough has been already achieved in cate their own apparent levity as a proof the crowded months during which he has and result of sound political instinct. By so often threatened resignation, to render whatever process he may have been raised it worth while to look back at its general to the throne, Amadeo is actually King of tenor, as well as at the indications for Spain, and his countrymen properly respect the future afforded by his new presidential in his person the representative of their message. own dignity. The bees have always been M. Thiers was placed in the vacancy esteemed politic insects, chiefly because, as where as yet a throne was not, expressly naturalists assert, they have the gift of because he was, as it were, the most excreating upon fit occasion a queen to whom pressive living symbol of political uncerthey are afterwards abjectly devoted. tainty of which France could avail herself. There is no use in a King who is not in a He was shrewd, he was experienced, he certain sense sacred and irresponsible. At was full of tact; he had glorified the first the worst his greatness and his security Empire, served the Orleanist régime, emare identified with the national interests, braced the Revolution; he had bitterly whereas patriots and adventurers too often attacked the Second Empire, and had not pursue special objects of their own. If the spared expressions of contempt for the King of Spain is well advised, he will not fiery régime of Gambetta; yet he had deshow too eager a desire to retain his pow-clared for a moderate Republic as the form er or to perpetuate his dynasty. Leopold of Government which would divide France of Belgium, the first King of a new king- the least, without having the credit of dom, took every opportunity of intimating to his subjects that, if necessary, he could dispense with the Crown which he had assumed for the benefit of the nation. It was the chief misfortune of the Emperor of the French that, having never been heartily recognized as an hereditary ruler, he shaped, or was thought to shape, his domestic and foreign policy rather for the purpose of consolidating his power than of consulting the true interests of the country. It is possible that the Duke of Montpensier might have been as eligible a candidate as the present King; but impartial Royalists will feel that the cause of monarchy would be injuriously affected by the failure of the present experiment; and for them any tolerable King is better than

none.

From The Spectator.

M. THIERS' REIGN.

THE Message in which M. Thiers has announced to the French Assembly its perhaps rather long" instant of repose," namely, from 17th September to the 4th December, exactly eleven weeks, did not excite much interest in the Assembly, where it was coldly received, and where its long-winded, lugubrious tone at once gained for it the description of "that pathetic document," and it has been very languidly criticized in London. Nevertheless, it distinctly shows a change of tone, perhaps real, perhaps diplomatic, on the part of the astute old man whose reign has been now declared limited by the life of the Assembly which gave him power;

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being a all cordially attached to that via media; all parties might hope something from him; yet it was his chief merit that every one of them regarded it as inevitable that he should stand for a time at least, in the way of every one else. He was an ambiguity; and that was something, where nothing definite could have resisted the angry passions it would have roused. And he acted as an ambiguity. He allowed the Assembly to verify the election of the Orleans Princes, but he induced them straightway to take themselves off. He kept giving in his adhesion to the Republic, but he accepted the resignation of those Ministers who were regarded as the Republic's warmest adherents; he would do nothing for the priests and the Pope, except express his regret that he had not the power to do everything; he was ferocious against the Communist prisoners at first, and relaxed gradually as the Republicans gained new elections; in a word, he contrived to keep the expectations of all parties as much on the stretch as ever, and yet to hold himself as far as possible aloof from any defined leaning. For the rest, his administration has been shrewd, prudent, and tentative; he has known how to satisfy the Prussian expectations, and to keep on such good terms with them that they are rather expediting their evacuation; towards other countries he has been simply polite; he has postponed everything to this clearing away of the dreary legacy of war, and he has been right. Till this was done, it was M. Thiers' first duty to stave off all needless perturbations of the public mind, and he has been as able as he was willing to perform it.

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