merce reciprocal among various and distant nations, that had grown rich under the protection of the more peaceable sultans of the Gaznavide and Seljuk dynasties. Though plunder and aggrandizement were the real, the primary object of Gengis; yet the murder of his ambassadors was a theme on which he neglected not to expatiate in terms of the warmest and bitterest invective; imparting in a bold and manly strain of eloquence, the fire and vengeance that glowed in his own bosom, to those of his sons and his courtiers. The battalions of his immense army were instantly put in motion; the arms of the common men were the sabre, the bow, the quiver full of arrows, and the battle axe. All the officers of this army were clothed in complete suits of mail, and their horses also wore breast plates of iron, and other defensive armour impenetrable by the arrows of the enemy. The positive order of Gengis was, that every man should fight in his station till he conquered or fell; the flight of individuals or of single squadrons, was to be punished with instant death, by their nearest comrades. By a singular law of the military code of Gengis, it was ordained, that if ten commanders at the head of their combined squadrons, the whole army being divided into bodies regulated by that number, should think it necessary to retreat, they were at liberty to do so; but smaller parties, by a retrograde move. ment, rushed only on inevitable destruction. In this manner disciplined and armed, the soldiers of Gengis, under the command of himself and his four valiant sons, marched forth to battle, and on a review previous to the engagement, were found to consist of no less than seven hundred thousand men; MEN, says the historian, of an athletic make, of high-braced vigorous sinews, impatient for action, breathing nothing but war and blood; yet though fiery, perfectly obedient to their prince: MEN, who unlike the dainty Moslems, could banquet on any kind of food, wolves, bears, and dogs; MEN able to brave the rigours of every climate, and soundly slumber on a bed of flint.

Mohammed, without terror, heard from his scouts the details of their number and ferocity. He considered these savage hordes as utterly destitute of all true military science, and as unable to stand before the veteran conquerors of Persia, who had triumphed over the bravest nations of Asia, and who themselves amounted to four hundred thousand fighting men, being the flower of the warlike re. gions dispersed over the domains of this mighty prince in Iran, Transoxiana, Chorasan, and all the vast frontier of Western India. The terrible concussion of two such immense armies can be better conceived than described. It took place, according to Le Croix, at Karaku, near Otrar, north of the river Jaxartes, in A.H.615, or A. D. 1218, a memorable epoch in Eastern annals, being the date of the first grand irruption of the Moguls and Tartars into Southern Asia, and with such intense fury did the battle last, that the darkness of the night alone separated the contending armies. The ensuing morn discovered a sight horrible to humanity, one hundred and sixty thousand Charaz. mans, and a still more numerous body of Moguls, weltering in an ocean of human blood. A dreadful pause ensued; the Charazmian army retired within its lines, where for some days it remained strongly intrenched,

3

intrenched, to avoid the hazard of surprize from the Moguls, and at length a retreat before so potent and still numerous an enemy was resolved upon, and effected. All the considerable cities and strong holds of Charazm and Transoxiana were powerfully reinforced with fresh troops; and the sultan hoped to retard, at least, if not to weary out, the Mogul emperors, by the length of tedious sieges, and the desultory harassing attacks of a large flying army of horse, of one part of which he took himself the command, and gave the other to his brave son, Gelaleddin, who had gloriously distinguished himself during the late severe engagement. But Gengis had four sons, lions in courage like himself, and these were placed at the head of armies vast in numbers, and ever supplied with fresh recruits from the still overflowing tribes of the north. Opposition from a routed and dispirited army was utterly fruitless. Otrar, though it had been recently strengthened with a body of no less than sixty thousand troops, after a desperate resistance of five months, fell beneath the vigorous assaults of his sons OCTAI and ZAGATHAI. The subjugation of the other great cities lying on or near the Jaxartes, particularly the celebrated and well fortified city of Cogende, situated in about the latitude of 41° 25', was committed to his eldest son TUSHI; and it must be owned, that if the besiegers shewed invincible courage in assailing, the besieged, in every instance, resisted with an ardour and an obstinacy that evinced equal loyalty to their prince, and love of their country. But the due reward of unsuccessful valour was not allotted to the unfortunate Charazmians by the ungenerous Moguls. After being despoiled of their property they were generally led forth to be butchcred in cold blood, without distinction of either age or sex, by their savage conquerors, who, under the pretext of avenging the outrage and murder at Otrar, seemed to delight in shedding torrents of Mohammedan blood: unconscious of pity, and callous to all re

inorse.'

The exploits of the brave Gelaleddin are recorded in a manner worthy of the subject: indeed the narrative shews to great advantage the talents of Mr. Maurice, and proves that he wants nothing from Nature to intitle him to class in the first rank of historians.

In relating the end of Gengis, the author accompanies it' with a very striking observation:

After recovering Tangut by his arms, and awing China to peace by the terror of his frown, this great, this politic, but stern and sanguinary prince, being seized with a fever, the consequence of extreme grief for the loss of his most beloved son, Tushi Khan, expired ou his march into the latter country, in the latter end of A. H. 623, or A.D. 1226, in the seventy-third year of his age, and the twentyfifth of his reign. He who without pity had slaughtered above two millions of the human race, had made so many children fatherless, and so many fathers childless, yet could not bear the loss of one son, though three remained to cherish his declining age-astonishing proof of exquisite sensibility and the most callous ferocity dwelling in the same bosom.'

In the history of the second Gauride Dynasty, founded by Cuttub, with the exception of the prosperous and splendid reign of Balin, the reader will find nothing that can greatly interest him.

Among the monarchs with which the Chilligi tribe furnished Delhi, Alla, an usurper, alone attracts our regard by his able and successful administration. The successive invasions of the Deccan, the first of which he conducted, and the incredible booty which they yielded, impart very high interest to this portion of the Indian narrative.

The present volume closes with the extinction of the Afghan Dynasty; in the next, the author proposes to place before the reader that great scourge of the Eastern world, the dreadful Timur: on which occasion we shall be again happy to pay our respects to Mr. Maurice, trusting that we shall meet him chargeable with fewer faults, and retaining his present claims to praise.

A coloured map of Hindostan is prefixed to Part II.

ART. VII. The History of England, from the Peace of 1783 to the Treaty concluded at Amiens in 1802: being a Continuation of Coote's History of England from the earliest Dawn of Record to the Peace of 1783. By the Author of the former Part. 8vo. pp. 466. 8s. Boards. Kearsley. 1803.

OUR

VR readers have already been sufficiently informed of the merits of this writer as an historian, for we have introduced him to their acquaintance as accurate and well-informed, moderate and candid. Though in his pages we are not enlightened by what is termed the philosophy of history, we are never startled by paradox, nor disgusted by prejudice. Though his style is not marked by strength, nor distinguished by elegance, it is never deficient in perspicuity and ease, and is remarkably exempt from every species of affectation. To his original design we objected, because we conceived it to be too comprehensive for an abridgment, and at the same time not sufficiently ample to give a satisfactory view of many interesting events in our annals: but the execution of the work we represented as reflecting credit on the talents and knowlege of the author.-Such being our sentiments, which we fully ex pressed, we are both sorry and surprized to learn from the Preface, that the writer has reason to be dissatisfied with the reception of his labours; which has proved so little favourable, as to make him regret something beyond the loss of time in presenting them to the public.

* See Rev. Vols. xxviii. and xxix. N. S.

Jo.

The

The critic's province, however, extending only to the merits of a work, we shall proceed to state the principal contents of this volume, and express our opinion of the manner in which it is executed. Many great and important events form its subject; events at the same time of such late occurrence, as to prevent the necessity of our enlarging on them. The debates, to which his Majesty's indisposition in 1789 gave rise, are fresh in the recollection of most readers; the conduct, the progress, and the termination of Mr. Hastings's Trial are also so well known that, although this author's account is judicious and impartial, we deem it unnecessary to make any extract. The insurrections of our seamen, and the rebellion in Ireland, with the subsequent union of the two countries, are narrated with impartiality and clearness. Of the latter event, Dr. Coote says that few are disposed to deny that it was one of the most judicious acts of this eventful reign;' indeed his Majesty, after its enactment, declared that he "should ever consider this great measure as the happiest event of his reign."

In the period embraced by the present volume, in addition to the occurrences which we have already mentioned, the author's attention has of necessity been directed to the French Revolution. The circumstances of this event, so far as they have had an influence on this country, are discussed by Dr. Coote in as satisfactory a manner as the circumscribed nature of his plan would admit; and the conduct and progress of the war, which it occasioned, are fairly and succinctly narrated. On the subject of the Treaty of Amiens, which the ambition of our enemy had virtually infringed, and thus again involved us in the miseries of war, the historian shall speak for himself:

While this definitive treaty was yet unadjusted, a great force was deemed necessary for the national defence, as doubts were entertained of the pacific inclinations of the first consul of France. From the eagerness of the public for a complete peace, the interval of negotia tion seemed a tedious delay; but the anxiety of suspense was at length removed. A treaty was signed at Amiens by the marquis Cornwallis and Joseph Bonaparté, differing from the preliminaries in the following points. A part of Portuguese Guiana was given up to the French by a new adjustment of boundaries. With regard to Malta, it was stipulated that no French or English tongue, or class of knights, should be allowed; that one half of the soldiers in garrison should be natives, and the rest should be furnished for a time by the king of Naples; that the independence of the island under the sway of the knights should be guarantied by France, Great Britain, Austria, Spain, Rus. sia, and Prussia; and that it's ports should be free to all nations. It was agreed that the prince of Orange should receive compensation for his loss of property and of power. Persons who might hereafter be accused of murder, forgery, and fraudulent bankruptcy, were to be surrendered to the demands of each party.

This

This treaty was only opposed by a very small part of either house. Mr. Windham endeavoured to prove it's weakness, fallacy, and insecurity, and to rouse the zeal of the country against the insatiate eagerness of Gallic ambition, and the restless spirit of Jacobinical machination. In discussing the terms to which we had agreed, he contended that we had placed Malta in the hands of the French; that the cape of Good Hope was in fact at their disposal; that, from this settlement and Cochin, they might make hostile preparations against British India; and that we had suffered them to trick us in that part of the negotiation which concerned Portugal. He blamed the ministers for the non-revival of former treaties, as the omission might affect our interests in the bay of Honduras, and even shake the foundation of our power in India. He also complained of their acquiescence in the cession of Louisiana to the French, who by this advantage, might obtain the command of North America, while that of South-America would be in a great measure secured to them by the medium of the river of Amazons. In treating of the war, he la mented that it had been pursued merely as a common war, and that it had not been carried on with that extraordinary spirit which alone could prevent the mischievous extension of Jacobinical principles.

Our exertions, he thought, had by no means been equal to our resources; and we certainly had not been successful in repelling the danger which we sought to avert. We had suffered the French to acquire as great a degree of power in ten years, as the Romans had obtained in several centuries. While we were menaced by their ambition, we ought to be extremely vigilant and alert; and he would therefore move for an address to his majesty, promising to keep inviolate the public faith, but hinting a disapprobation of some of the engagements into which he had entered, and requesting him to take measures, both by negotiation and by ample establishments naval and military, for obviating the dan ger that might arise from such stipulations, or from other circumstances in the posture of affairs. Lord Hawkesbury was sensible of the enormous aggrandisement of the French republic, but did not deem that a sufficient reason for an indefinite continuance of the war. He was surprised at the apprehensions entertained by Mr. Windham of the influence of France in North and South America, as it appeared to him to be very inconsiderable. He maintained that the treaty amply provided, by a strong guaranty, for the independence of Malta'; that, while we had a powerful army, we had no cause to be alarmed at the sway which the French might obtain at the Cape; that, though we had resigned many of our conquests, we had insisted on retaining two of the most important naval stations in the East and West Indies; and that the ministers had, in all the proceedings, consulted the honor and security of the nation as strenuously as any of the opponents of the peace could expect upon an impartial review of the state of Europe at the time of the negotiation. Mr. Dundas highly disapproved the cession of Malta and the Cape; yet refused to concur in a vote of censure. Mr. Addington allowed, that the treaty was not such as the people could receive with extravagant joy or exultation; but he did not think it dishonorable. He had endeavoured to

procure