procure the best terms, and, in agreeing to those which were now concluded, he had yielded to the dictates of prudence. Mr. Sheridan imputed greater blame to those ministers who had reduced the country to a state which rendered such a peace necessary, than to those who had concluded the treaty.

Only twenty members voted for the address proposed by Mr. Windham, while 276 gave their suffrages against it. An amendment moved by lord Hawkesbury, expressing an approbation of the treaty, was then adopted. A debate of the same kind occurred in the house of peers, on the motion of lord Grenville for an address of dissatisfaction. The duke of Norfolk having suggested such an amendment as coincided with the views of the ministry, a majority of 106 voted in support of the peace.

In negotiating a pacification, three objects ought to be kept in view-honor, advantage, and security. That we succeeded in all these desirable points of attainment, none will be so hardy as to affirm. After the frequent boasts of a full determination of acquiring indemnity, the dereliction of the far greater part of our conquests, and the loss of the effect of a brilliant series of naval triumphs, besides a very oppressive augmentation of the national debt, present a scene remarkably and essentially different from the prospect to which we were taught to look forward. The honor of a negotiation does not consist in being dislodged from the commanding posts which the conductors of the war affected to occupy and to secure, or in being successively driven to the last verge of evasion; nor will such a close of hostility be considered as a material advantage by the generality of political speculators; and in point of security, we have less reason to boast of our complete ability of self-defence than we had before the war commenced it's mischievous career. Yet the ministers deserve not the severity of censure. They had a difficult task to execute. The unfortunate predicament in which the preceding leaders of the cabinet had involved the nation, rendered peace particularly necessary; and the extraordinary and portentous increase of the power of France, with the high claims of a nation which accused Great Britain of the guilt of aggression, precluded the hope of favourable or beneficial terms. Viewed with reference to this state of affairs, the treaty of Amiens calls for acquiescence and approbation, rather than disgust, objection, or com plaint; and if it should not be permanent, the fault will be that of the rash statesman whose impolicy promoted by war the extension of Gallic power, not that of the prudent minister whose endeavours were exerted for the restoration of peace. In the mean time, let us not give way to pusillanimity or despondence. Though our security has been diminished, our resources are by no means contemptible. Confining our views to insular defence, we may defy the threatening storm; and, by the terrors of a naval war, we may humble the arrogance of the enemy, and produce a desire of continued peace.'

We believe that the majority of the country entertained sentiments regarding the Treaty of Amiens, similar to those which are here expressed by Dr. Coote.

With the succeeding account of Mr. Burke, some of our readers will be dissatisfied, as derming it scarcely just to the merits of that very extraordinary man:

any one

In the last month of this session, the country was deprived, by death, of the political exertions of one of the greatest men of the age -Mr. Edmund Burke. He had for some time retired from parlia ment, having resigned his seat to his son, whose decease in the flower of his age was a great shock to his decfining parent. That Mr. Burke possessed great abilities, and a genius superior to that which is usually observed among mankind, will not, we think, be denied by He had a great compass of mind, a considerable share of learning, and a never failing stream of eloquence. He adorned every subject which he handled, and animated every speech with the excursions of fancy and the charms of imagery. His allusions, however, were sometimes of the coarsest kind, drawn from the lowest ob. jects of nature and of art. He was too digressive, frequently defi-cient in argument, and so absurdly hyperbolical, that he would magnify a speck to an immense body, or, if it equally suited the temporary purpose of his oratory, would diminish a mountain to a mole-hill. His invectives, both in speaking and writing, were so bitter and severe, that they seemed to argue a malignity of disposition, though they rather proceeded from an irritability of temper. His political principles were more favourable to aristocratical claims than to popular freedom; and he was in his heart a Tory even when he affected (during the American war) to be a zealous Whig. In private life he was generally benevolent and friendly; a kind husband, father, and masHe was a pleasing and instructive companion; and no one could long be a witness to his conversation without being convinced of the great extent of his understanding.'

ter.

We close our extracts with the account of Mr. Pitt's Resignation; a passage in which we were sorry to observe some contemptuous expressions, which are not usual with Dr. Coote, when speaking either of men or of measures:

In these debates, occasional reference was made to the case of the Hibernian catholics, whose claims, after the completion of the act of union, formed a particular subject of discussion in the cabinet. The premier and lord Grenville represented an acquiescence in the wishes of those sectaries as necessary for the perfect consolidation of the interests of the united kingdom, and affirmed that, as no danger could arise from it, policy required the concession. Several of the royal counsellors expressed opposite sentiments; and his Majesty took a decided part in the dispute, alleging that the oath taken by him at his coronation precluded his assent to a scheme which might in its consequences endanger the religious establishment. repugnance obstructed the recommendation of the measure to the parliament, and diminished the probability of its success, Mr. Pat declared that he conceived himself bound by his duty, his conscience,

As this

and

and his honour, to resign that situation in which he was not at full liberty to pursue his ideas of equity and public benefit. His resignation was accepted, as was also that of lord Grenville; and earl Spencer, at the same time, relinquished all concern in the affairs of the admiralty, which he had directed with credit to himself and advantage to his country.

Whether the reason alleged by Mr. Pitt for his retreat from office formed his real motive, or was merely a pretext, may fairly be doubted. We are inclined to imagine, that he was less influenced on this occasion by the disappointment of his hopes of gratifying the ca tholics of Ireland, than by a wish to extricate himself, with some appearance of honour, from that unpleasant situation in which he had involved himself by his declarations and his conduct during the war. He was convinced that peace was the general desire of the nation; and, being apprehensive that his efforts for procuring it would not be successful, as he had rendered himself highly obnoxious to the rulers of France, he resolved to give way to the appointment of a successor, and thus make an opening for an effectual negotiation. His mode of retreat, under the pretence of a dispute respecting the catholics, was not very manly; but, as the effect was fortunate, we shall not be severe in examining or arraigning the policy which led to it.

After some deliberation, his Majesty selected Mr. Addington for the office of his first minister. That gentleman had long been an intimate friend of Mr. Pitt, whose influence had placed him in the chair of the house of commons, which he filled with high reputation. In point of oratory he is inferior to his patron, but is perhaps equal to him in political wisdom. This, indeed, is faint praise from one who never considered Mr. Pitt as a very judicious or able statesman. Lord Hawkesbury was selected for the vacancy occasioned by the resignation of lord Grenville; and the carl of St. Vincent was deemed a proper successor to earl Spencer.

The minister elect having resigned the office of speaker, Lord Hawkesbury moved that Sir John Mitford should be called to the chair; and the house agreed to the proposal. The aspiring member hinted, that he did not consider this dignity as the ne plus ultrà of his ambition, but merely as a step to other honours and emolu. ments.'

We shall now dismiss this Article, with the observation that the present volume forms a very fit companion for its predecessors; and that together they present a satisfactory view of our history. S.R..

ART. VIII. Letters written by the late Earl of Chatham to his Nephew Thomas Pitt, Esq. (afterwards Lord Camelford) then at Cambridge. Crown 8vo. pp. 130. 5s. Boards. Payne. 1804. TH HIS little volume possesses so many claims to notice, that we are happy in introducing it thus early to the acquaintance of our readers. In these Letters, we view Lord Chatham

in

in a very different light from that in which we have been ac customed to contemplate him. Instead of the commanding orator, or the accomplished statesman, we here see him engaged in the duties of domestic life, and exercising the powers of his enlightened understanding in the education of a near relative. The instructions given by him are of the purest nature, and calculated to produce a perfect character; and he directs the attention of his pupil chiefly to the practice of moral and religious duties, which are represented as the groundwork of all human excellence. The Letters, indeed, exhibit those virtuous and admirable sentiments, which rendered the noble writer a fit companion for West and Lyttelton; and they discover that similarity of character, in the most essential particulars, which must have rendered the meetings of these illustrious men at Wickham so peculiarly interesting. "West was very often," says Johnson, "visited by Lyttelton and Pitt, who, when they were weary of faction and debates, used at Wickham to find books and quiet, a decent table, and literary conversation. There is at Wickham a walk made by Pitt; and, what is of far more importance, at Wickham Lyttelton received that conviction which produced his Dissertation on St. Paul."-This volume evidently shews that its author derived his share of improvement from so beneficial an intercourse, and that he was anxious to contribute it for the advantage of others.

The Letters are only twenty-three in number, and some of them are remarkable merely as proceeding from so distinguished a character, while others are recommended by intrinsic excellence. The composition of them is not always polished and correct, but displays the ease of unstudied and familiar correspondence Of their authenticity, no doubt can be entertained, since they are edited by Lord Grenville, and by him dedicated to the present Mr. Pitt.

The third and fourth Letters we shall entirely transcribe, on account of the importance of the advice which they inculcate :

Your letter from Cambridge affords me many very sensible pleasures: first, that you are at last in a proper place for study and improvement, instead of losing any more of that most precious thing, time, in London. In the next place that you seem pleased with the particular society you are placed in, and with the gentleman to whose care and instructions you are committed and above all I applaud the sound, right sense, and love of virtue, which appears through your whole letter. You are already possessed of the true clue to guide you through this dangerous and perplexing part of your life's journey, the years of education; and upon which, the complexion of all the rest of your days will infallibly depend: I say you have the true clue to guide you, in the maxim you lay down in your letter to me, namely, that the use

of

of learning is, to render a man more wise and virtuous; not merely to make him more learned. Macte tuâ Virtute; Go on, my dear boy, by this golden rule, and you cannot fail to become every thing your generous heart prompts you to wish to be, and that mine most affectionately wishes for you. There is but one danger in your way; and that is, perhaps, natural enough to your age, the love of pleasure, or the fear of close application and laborious diligence. With the last there is nothing you may not conquer: and the first is sure to conquer and inslave whoever does not strenuously and generously resist the first allurements of it, lest by small indulgencies, he fall under the yoke of irresistible habit. Vitanda est Improba Siren, Desidia, I desire may be affixt to the curtains of your bed, and to the walls of your chambers. If you do not rise early, you never can make any progress worth talking of; and another rule is, if you do not set apart your hours of reading, and never suffer yourself or any one else to break in upon them, your days will slip through your hands, unprofitably and frivolously unpraised by all you wish to please, and really unenjoyable to yourself. De assured, whatever you take from pleasure, amusements, or indolence, for these first few years of your life, will repay you a hundred fold, in the pleasures, honours, and advantages of all the remainder of your days. My heart is so full of the most earnest desire that you should do well, that I find my letter has run into some length, which you will, I know, be so good to excuse. There remains now nothing to trouble you with but a little plan for the beginning of your studies, which I desire, in a particular manner, may be exactly followed in every tittle. You are to qualify yourself for the part in society, to which your birth and estate call you. You are to be a gentleman of such learning and qualifications as may distinguish you in the service of your country hereafter; not a pedant, who reads only to be called learned, instead of considering learning as an instrument only for action. Give me leave therefore, my dear nephew, who have gone before you, to point out to you the dangers in your road; to guard you against such things, as I experience my own defects to arise from, and at the same time, if I have had any little successes, in the world, to guide you to what I have drawn many helps from. I have not the pleasure of knowing the gentleman who is your tutor, but I dare say he is every way equal to such a charge, which I think no small one. You will communicate this letter to him, and I hope he will be so good to concur with me, as to the course of study I desire you may begin with; and that such books, and such only, as I have pointed out, may be read: They are as follows: Euclid; a Course of Logic; a Course of experimental Philosophy; Locke's Conduct of the Understanding; his Treatise also on the Understanding; his Treatise on Government, and Letters on Toleration. I desire, for the present, no books of poetry, but Horace and Virgil; of Horace the Odes, but above all, the Epistles and Ars Poetica. These parts, Nocturnà versate manu, versate diurnâ. Tully de Officiis, de Amicitiâ, de Senectute. His Catilinarian Orations and Philippics. Sallust. At leisure hours, an abridgment of the History of England to be run through, in order to settle in the mind a general chronological order and series of principal events, and

succession