had no concern. That which theological zeal accomplished for the others, the monopoly of tobacco, the importation of negroes, and the persecution of the cavaliers in the interregnum, effected for this province. It derived, however, considerable indirect benefits from religious enthusiasm; which principle, by surrounding it with colonies, very much assisted its advances towards prosperity.-It is not a little remarkable that this state, which remained so loyal during the whole of the civil wars, was the foremost to make a common cause with that of Massachussets, in the unhappy disputes which led to the separa tion of the colonies from the mother-country.

Persecution in the parent state gave rise to many of the settlements in North America; and intolerance converted Englishmen into American refugees. These refugees established their own tenets in the states which they formed, and visited dissenters with usage similar to that which had caused their own emigration; they banished Episcopalians and Antinomians, and hanged Quakers. Thus the New England States were peopled by those who disapproved of the liturgy and discipline of the church of England: Maryland offered an asylum to British catholics; Pennsylvania became a refuge for Quakers; and Rhode Island received the advocates of the covenant of grace whom Massachussets cast out of its bosom. Secular views appear to have given rise to and directed the settlements of Carolina and Georgia, though the peace of the former was much disturbed by attempts to establish in it a particular kind of worship.

The reader of history, who delights to trace events to their remote causes, will particularly notice the confederacy instituted by the New England States during the troubles in this country; and he will find it nearly an exact model of that which was formed at the commencement of the quarrel which separated them from Great Britain. The union continued till the charters were abolished by James II.-Not less worthy of attentive consideration are the resolutions of the people of Massachussets, on learning that Charles II. was restored, and before they proclaimed him.

It was resolved that the patent (under God) is the first and main foundation of the civil policy of the colony.

That the governor and company are, by the patent, a body politic, invested with the powers to make freemen.

That the freemen have authority to choose annually a governor, deputy governor, assistants, representatives, and all other officers.

That the government thus constituted hath full power, both legislative and executive, for the government of all the people, whether inhabitants or strangers, without appeals; save only in the case of laws repugnant to those of England.

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That the government is privileged by all means, even by force of arms, to defend itself both by land and sea, against all who should attempt injury to the plantation, or its inhabitants; and that in their opinion, any imposition prejudicial to the country, contrary to any just law of theirs (not repugnant to the laws of England), would be an infringement of their rights.'

The king confirmed their charter, but it was taken from them in the latter end of his reign; and William refused to renew it as it stood before, reserving to himself the appointment of the governor, of the deputy governor, and of the other officers of the colony. The genius of this state is also singu larly displayed in its obstinate and successful resistance to the demand of allowing the governor a fixed salary, in the room of an annual grant; and the English administration, after repeated attempts to carry this point, thought it proper at last to desist from their proposal. The reader, who carefully peruses the volume before us, will not wonder that Mr. Burke founded his opposition to the American war on its ill policy,-on reasons deduced from the particular genius of the colonists, from their habits and practices, from their several polities, and from the spirit and temper of the several communities which the questions then in agitation affected. It was like a statesman to take this ground; and historical information and ingenuousness were alone needed to insure a good reception to his conclu sions. We do not mean to assert that the higher positions assumed by others were not valid, but they were more disputable, and the inferences drawn from them weighed less with practical politicians.

Mr. Marshall places in a very clear light the grounds of the contest between Great Britain and France with respect to America, which broke out in the latter country as early as 1755, and which soon afterward extended itself to all the dominions of those two countries.

The French colony of Louisiana (we are told) began to flourish about 1731, and to extend itself by detached settlements up the Mississippi and its waters, towards the great lakes. As it progressed towards the north, the vast and interesting plan was formed of connecting it with Canada by a chain of forts.

The fine climate and fertile country of Upper Louisiana, its capacity to produce and maintain an immense population, rendered it an object which promised complete gratification to the views of France; while the extent given to it by that nation excited the most serious alarm among the colonics of Britain.

The English had originally taken possession of the sea coast, but the charters granted by the crown to the first adventurers extended from the Atlantic to the Southern Ocean. Their settlements had regularly encreased westward; and it had been supposed that

their title to the country in that direction could only be controverted by the Indians. The settlements of the French, stretching from north to south, necessarily interfered with those of the English, extending from east to west. Their plan, if executed, would completely have environed the English. Canada and Louisiana united would, as has been very aptly said, have formed a bow, of which the English colonies would have constituted the string.

• While Great Britain claimed an indefinite extent to the west, in consequence of her possession of the sea coast, and as appertaining thereto, France insisted on confining her to the eastern side of the Apalachian, or Alleghany mountains, and claimed the whole country, whose waters run into the Mississippi, in virtue of her right, as the first discoverer of that river. The delightful region between the summit of those mountains and the Mississippi was the object for which those two powerful nations contended; and it soon became apparent that the sword alone could decide the contest.

The white population of the English colonies was supposed to amount to upwards of one million of souls, while that of the French was not computed to exceed fifty-two thousand.

This disparity of numbers did not intimidate the governor of New France, under which title were included both Canada and Louisiana; nor deter him from proceeding in the execution of a plan he had embraced with ardour. Advantages were possessed by the French, which, he persuaded himself, would counterbalance the superior numbers of the English. The whole power of France in America was united under one governor, who could give it such direction as his judgment should dictate. The genius of the people and of the government was military, and they could very readily be called out when their service in the field should be required. Great reliance too was placed on the Indians. The savages, with the exception of the Six Nations, were generally attached to them: they were well trained to war, and the efficiency of their aid had been already experienced. To these advantages was added a perfect knowledge of the country which was to become the theatre of action.

• The British colonies, on the other hand, were divided into distinct governments, unaccustomed, except those of New England, to act in concert; were jealous of the powers of the crown; and were spread over a very large extent of territory, the soil of which, in all the middle colonies, was cultivated by men whose peace had been of late years seldom disturbed, and who were consequently almost entirely unused to arms.

The governors of Canada, who were generally military men, had, for several preceding years, judiciously selected and fortified such situ ations as would give their nation most influence with the Indians, and best facilitate incursions into the northern provinces. The command of Lake Champlain had been acquired by erecting a strong fort at Crown point; and a connected chain of posts was maintained from Quebec up the St. Lawrence and along the great lakes. It was now intended to unite these posts with the Mississippi, by taking positions which should enable them to circumscribe, and at the same time to annoy, the frontier settlements of the English.'

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The formation of the Ohio company, which consisted of persons of great influence both in England and Virginia, and the grant made to them of a part of the land in dispute, accelerated the issue which both nations were resolved to try. Of these matters, however, and indeed of all the latter part of this volume, we enter into no detailed notice, because the statements do not differ materially from those which are given in other histories, and are principally derived from well-known sources.

We shall attend with sollicitude to the progress of this work. The second volume, it is said, will shortly appear, and the third will be published before the commencement of winter. The present is decorated by a portrait of Gen. Washington, and two maps, one representing the northern and the other delineating the Southern Provinces of the United States.

ART. II. Mr. Repton's Observations on the Theory and Practice of
Landscape Gardening.

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[Article concluded from p. 240.]

N continuing our observations on this work, we may remark that Mr. Repton has not merely evinced the difficulties which occur in the art of landscape gardening, but acknowleges that, in the practice of it, he occasionally meets with obstacles which baffle his utmost efforts for combining the different objects according to his wishes. He feels more confident, however, in his claim to the character of an architect; and his disquisition on this subject commences by drawing a line of distinction between ornament and decoration; including under the former term every enrichment that has the semblance of utility,' such as columns, pilasters, entablatures, pediments, domes, &c. &c. He directs that a column should never be usefully applied at a door-way but that, for the sake of ornament, it may be elevated to the whole height of the building, in the nature of an appliqué!!! Thus will those, who are ignorant of the real uses of the essential parts of architecture, ever pervert them to objects of mere ornament! We had long been puzzled to attain the precise meaning of ornamental architecture, a term not uncommon in the mouths of some people, though not readily explained by them. We now find that it is the semblance of something, without being any thing: in short an auxiliary to landscape gardening !'-In his observations on landscape gardening, however, we could follow Mr. R. with satisfaction; because he enforces, with much sense, the necessary attention to the fitness of things, and urges that each should be found in its due order and place.-It is surely a strange assertion that every species of enrichment or decoration ought to be costly either in its materials, or in its workmanship.'

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It would be almost endless to follow Mr. R. through all the branches which he undertakes. In a note, p. 165, he informs the world that he gives designs to the upholsterer for furniture; to the goldsmith for plate; to the statuary for monuments; and, to crown all, here is a proposition for gilding the outside of the dome of St. Paul's! So that we find that from the sofa to the sideboard, from the tomb to the temple, nothing is beyond the reach of those who forget or who know not that, in the infancy of art, whatever could not be performed by skill was left to be effected by costly materials.

Mr. Repton is not the only man of genius who has fancied himself superior in a line with the difficulties of which he is less acquainted, than with those of that department in which his talents have been matured by a long course of study; and indeed it is one among the number of human frailties, to imagine ourselves most competent where we know the least. We are induced to take the more notice of the auhtor's tenets and arguments on the subject of architecture, because the celebrity which he has obtained in his own peculiar profession might, without carefully adverting to the distinction, procure a like admission of respect for his opinion on other topics. Indeed, nothing that comes from the pen of a man of reputation, purporting to be a branch of his art, should pass unnoticed; for "the name of Cassius sanctions the corruption."

In applying our remarks, we shall endeavour to refrain, according to our usual practice, from entering into any strictures on Mr. R.'s productions in the way of arts confining our observations to general opinions advanced, and given to the world as implied principles.

We had ever considered that the excellence of architecture consisted in the union of all that is essential both for convenience and construction: that the beauty of architecture resulted from disposing the parts in good forms; and that the latter must be almost unavoidably the effect, when the former requisites were attained. Ornaments, whether accessary to architecture, or constituting isolated subjects, should be confided to a distinct class of artists, whose labours are either imitative, or soar to ideal representations. The province of the architect, on the contrary, is to produce, to create a reality suited to its destined office. Unite the two characters in one person, and his production becomes an heterogeneous mass. If his disposition tends to delight in ornament, then convenience and strength, in short the fitness of things, are all subservient to the predominant inclination; and a bauble is obtained-an object of fancy, pleasing to-day, but despised to-morrow,-instead of that scientific composition which reason demands.

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