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workmen were almost equally successful in the remainder. Strikers and employers won exactly the same number, 19 apiece, of the trade-union disputes and only 9 were compromised. The employers won 9 of the 12 strikes concerning employment of particu

lar persons.

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Won Won
by em- by Com-

Won
ploy- work- pro- by em- Won by Com-

ers ers mised Total ployers workers promised Total Increas of wages..

11 12 22 45 2,120

2,778 15,267 20,165 Reduction of wages.

2 3 1 6 200 237 207 644 Reduction of hours.

2
3 5 490

999 1,489 Longer hours..

1
1 100

100 Trade unionism

19 19

47 3,266 12,346 18,072 33,684 Employment of particular persons 9 1 2 12 1, 208 3, 55 92 4,455 Working arrangements.

2 1 1 4

72 400 70 542 Sympathetic

1
212

212 Miscellaneous

2 1

3
70 67

137

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Considering results of disputes in relation to number of workers directly concerned, it will be observed that most of the larger disputes were either compromised or won by the workers. The wage advances demanded were won by 2,778 strikers and part of their demands won by 15,267, whereas only 2,120 who struck for increases failed to gain any part of their demands. Of those involved in trade-union disputes, 18,072 were partially successful, 12,346 were entirely successful and only 3,266 were entirely unsuccessful. In the less important causes of disputes, the results were similar, so it is evident that 88 per cent. of all employees engaged in strikes or lockouts were at least partially successful, even in a year when business conditions were far from favorable.

Mode of Settlement The effectiveness of various methods for settlement of disputes is indicated in the following table:

Employees

affected Number (directly

of MODE OF SETTLEMENT

disputes indirectly) Direct negotiations of the parties or their representatives.

30,828 Return to work on employers' terms..

9,311 Displacement of strikers by new employees.

2,180 Mediation by State Bureau, trade board or other party

25,655 Arbitration by trade board.

170 Arbitration by individuals. Other methods.

or

51
18
19
30
1
4
1

857 37

Total

124

69,038

The commonest and most generally successful method for settle ment of strikes is direct negotiations between employers and strikers or their representatives. The representatives of the employers are usually the president or general manager of the company involved, the superintendent of the factory or contractor in charge of building work. Representatives of strikers are the strike leader or strike committee if they are unorganized workmen; or if they are organized, the union committee, the business agent or other officers of the local union or an officer of their central or international union. Fifty-one disputes were settled by such negotiations, resulting in return to work of 30,828 employees.

Mediation by representatives of the State Bureau of Mediation and Arbitration or by other persons not directly interested resulted in settlement of 30 disputes in which 25,655 workmen were affected. The work of mediation and conciliation by the Bureau has been described in the first part of this report.

this report. Five strikes involving 1,027 employees were settled by arbitration. The 18 disputes terminated by return of the strikers to work on employers' terms and the 19 terminated by displacement of strikers by new employees include most of those in which the workmen were defeated in their efforts to improve conditions of labor by means of the strike.

(4) THE STRIKE OF GLOVE CUTTERS IN FULTON COUNTY

PREPARED BY BUREAU OF STATISTICS AND INFORMATION

The history of Fulton county, New York, centres about the industry for which its principal centre of population was named — the manufacture of gloves. In both Gloversville and Johnstown the manufacture of gloves is not only the most important industry but it is almost the only manufacturing industry open to their inhabitants. This has been true for generations. Beginning as a domestic industry which utilized the skins secured by trade from the Indians, the manufacture of gloves gradually became a factory industry although its nature is such that the domestic beginnings have not been entirely eliminated. Previous to 1890 all of the finer grades of gloves used in this country were imported because the American manufacturers could not compete with the European manufacturers in a free market. The McKinley tariff of 1890 gave the former a sufficient handicap to encourage them to begin the manufacture of fine gloves here. A piece-work scale of wages for cutting these finer grades of gloves was established which, with minor exceptions, is the scale against which the glove cutters struck in August of last year.

This wage scale was based on the handicap granted the American manufacturers by the McKinley tariff. Anticipating that the succeeding Wilson tariff would reduce this handicap, the employers made a general reduction of wage rates in 1893, amounting to approximately 10 per cent. The glove cutters accepted the reduction, together with the explanation given, but soon after organized a union to better safeguard their individual interests through collective activity.

In the presidential campaign of 1896 these workmen were led to believe that the success of the Republican party would mean a return of the McKinley tariff rates on the importation of gloves and a corresponding increase in wage rates to American glove cutters. True to the expectations of the manufacturers, the Dingley tariff, made possible by the Republican victory of 1896, placed an almost prohibitive duty upon the importation of the kinds of gloves manufactured in Fulton county. But contrary to the expectations of the glove cutters, wage rates were increased only

after an eleven weeks' strike. The increase amounted to approximately 11 per cent.; or, in other words, it merely restored the seale of wage rates established in 1890.

The success of this strike gave an impetus to unionism which placed the cutters on a bargaining basis with their employers. From 1897 to 1902, inclusive, annual joint conferences were held and a trade agreement for the following year was drawn up. Closed shop was never formally granted but the union was able to control the supply of glove cutters through its apprenticeship regulations.

The cutters were better organized at this time than their employers were. There had existed from time to time various loose associations of glove manufacturers, but as yet the community of interest had not become strong enough to bind them together into a permanent organization. In 1902 the present Glove Manufacturers' Association of the United States was organized for the purpose of becoming the aggressor, if necessary, to safeguard the interests of its members.

About the time of the annual wage conference in 1903 the cutters were asked to sign individual contracts which would insure the establishment and maintenance of open shop in the industry. The union opposed these contracts and a lockout was declared against its members. The lockout lasted from December 21, 1903, until June 28, 1904. By the latter date the cutters admitted their defeat and returned to work as unorganized wage earners.

Since that time the employers' association has remained intact and has fixed the wages for the entire industry. At its annual meeting the rates for the following year are voted upon. Manufacturers outside of the association accept this scale so that the association scale is uniform throughout the glove industry in Fulton county.

Except for minor adjustments and equalizations of rates, there has been no increase in the rates paid to glove cutters during this time, so that the rates paid for cutting gloves today are generally the same as those paid in 1890, twenty-five years ago. It is stated, however, by the employers, that whereas the cutters formerly worked only eight or nine months a year they can now work forty-six to fifty weeks a year; and that while piece rates have not increased, the yearly income of the cutters has increased somewhat. As a partial offset to such increase the cutters claim that their work is more exacting now than formerly and that they cannot earn as much in a given time now as they formerly earned during the same time.

Meantime all agree that the cost of living has increased very materially during the past twenty-five years. Since the disruption of their union in 1904 the cutters have relied upon requests for wage increases. During the last five years especially, formal re quests for more wages have been made each year. And in each case such requests have been met by a statement from officials of the Manufacturers' Association to the effect that the time for such a request was inopportune.

While it it true that the union did not recover from its defeat of 1903–04, a remnant of this organization, including perhaps fifty members, has existed for some years and has acted as the mouthpiece of the glove cutters in their requests for more wages. Finding such requests ineffective, the union officials agitated for a demand for a wage increase, to be enforced by a general strike if necessary. With the outbreak of the European war and the concurrent circulation of rumors that the glove factories of the warring nations had ceased operations, it was decided that the time was ripe for making such a demand upon the American manufacturers who, it was expected, would profit greatly by the stagnation of business in Europe. At the same time the enlistment of the European glove cutters in the armies would prevent the importation of strike breakers in case the manufacturers forced a strike by refusing to grant the increase demanded.

At a meeting of this small union on August 15, 1914, a mass meeting of all cutters willing to make a demand for a wage increase was arranged. The readiness with which this appeal met response is indicated by the attendance of nearly one thousand cutters at the meeting held August 17th. A demand for an increase of $.25 per dozen for cutting men's and boys' gloves and $.20 per dozen for cutting women's gloves was formulated and presented to the officials of the Glove Manufacturers' Association with a threat that if such demand was not granted within fortyeight hours a general strike of all cutters would be called. The Glove Manufacturers' Association met and voted to ignore the demand of their employees.

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