the establishment of those political, economic, and psychological conditions both at home and abroad which can assure peace and freedom. Let me quote directly our definitions first of peace, then of freedom, as they appear in our statement of principles and policies. Peace: The peace for which we work is much more than the absence of war or maintenance of order through dominance of force. It is a positive principle in human relations and can be found only where there is free cooperation for the common good. Freedom: Liberty of the human spirit is a basic value. Although freedom must be exercised with much responsibility and individuals in society must accept much control in the common interests, nevertheless they must have the right to contribute to decisions and to express differing opinions through free democratic processes. The Women's International League for Peace and Freedom has always believed that peace and freedom are inseparable. The present disintegration of our culture is a demonstration of the deep-seated injustices in our economic and political structures. The only answer to the threat of totalitarianism is the development of a democratic social order in which the dynamic forces of scientific discovery and economic change can be utilized to enrich the life of all the human family. Since the guaranty of freedom of speech is necessary to a democratic society, the league views with alarm the growing tendency to interfere with freedom of opinion by the use of loyalty tests. We vigorously oppose all forms of discrimination against individuals on the basis of political opinions. Fully recognizing the danger of either Fascist or Communist totalitarianism, the league believes that such forces can be best opposed by open discussion and by the strengthening of our own democratic procedures, rather than by attempts at direct control. We oppose this bill because it is an attempt at direct thought control. It has the effect of undermining the right of free speech, free thought, and peaceful political action and assembly of people who have committed no crime against the Government but who, as members of a proscribed organization, are subjected to intimidation, persecution, and loss of livelihood. Section 2 of this bill amounts to a legislative finding that the Communist Party is an agent of a foreign government and that it is attempting to overthrow the United States Government by conspiracy and to substitute a totalitarian dictatorship. Since being a foreign agent without registering as such and attempting to overthrow the Government by force are crimes, a member of the party is automatically found guilty of these crimes without a trial. Such action is diametrically opposed to our constitutional democratic system of justice, under which an individual is considered innocent until proven guilty before a court and jury according to due process of law. Not only does the Communist Party come within the scope of this legislative finding, but an indeterminate number of organizations may be proscribed if their views on certain subjects coincide with the views of the Communist Party. One of the characteristics of American life, thought, and achievement has been the open expression of the faith, hope, dreams, and ideas of many minds. This process of sharing ideas and ideals has offered the opportunity for rejecting the lesser good and discovering the best. The best in achievement is never reached by one set of ideas alone, but by the challenge which comes in open expression and exchange of varying viewpoints and even conflicting ideas. It is important to democracy that this growth of thought be encouraged rather than curtailed. This bill, which requires the registration of both permanent and temporary organizations as "Communist political" and "Communist front" on the basis of vague definitions and indefinite criteria, and requires the labeling of all mail and broadcasts, thus preventing an unprejudiced hearing of their views, makes free exchange impossible. Under section 14 (e) there are eight criteria set forth by which the Subversive Activies Control Board is to determine which organizations shall be required to register. Each criterion begins with the words "the extent to which," but there is no indication what extent is significant. There is, furthermore, no indication how many of the eight criteria must be present. All of the statements are indefinite and, therefore, difficult to interpret and apply, but the one that seems particularly dangerous is that which reads "the extent to which its views do not deviate from those of such foreign government or foreign organization." If "such foreign government or foreign organization" opposed any part of the foreign or domestic policies of our Government, then opposition to the same policy by any organizations, regardless of its reasons, might make it suspect under this criterion. Organizations which take policy positions that do not deviate from certain policies of the Communist Party, such as opposition to racial discrimination, in favor of national health programs or Federal housing, could be branded as "Communist political" or "Communist-front" organizations and probably be destroyed. Any organization, whether permanent or temporary, which is working for social or economic change, could, under this vague definition, be considered subversive, no matter how democratically it operates. Any organization which is required to register as a "Communist political" or "Communist-front" organization must submit a complete statement of all moneys received and expended, including the sources from which received by the organization, during the 12 months next preceding the filing of such statement. Organizations required to file as "Communist political" organizations must submit a list of the names and addresses of each individual who was a member at any time during the period of 12 months preceding the filing of the statement. Any individual may have contributed to one special project sponsored by an organization which is required to register, yet his name is published as a contributor to the organization. An individual may have joined the organization before he knew the organization was considered subversive, yet he is, by the listing, branded as subversive. This registration will immediately brand all members and contributors as subversive. Employers will be suspicious of these listed individuals and there is every possibility that this suspicion will lead to dismissal and blacklisting for future employment. Although the individual member may not believe in the violent overthrow of the Government, he is considered subversive by the very act of membership in an organization which, under vague definitions, is found to be "Communist political." This makes an individual guilty by association in spite of the fact that "guilt by association" is clearly against our democratic institutions. It has been true that— under our traditions beliefs are personal and not a matter of mere association and that men in adhering to a political party or other organization do not subscribe unqualifiedly to all of its platforms or asserted principles (Schneiderman v. United States, 320 U. S. 118 (1943), p. 136). We already have laws to punish treason and other criminal acts against the security of our Government. This bill cannot make us more secure. Rather than making us more secure, it destroys confidence, increases fear, and adds to the hysteria in which creative thought and life and considered judgment, so essential to effective democratic procedures, becomes increasingly difficult if not impossible. The national board of the United States section of the Women's International League issued this statement on loyalty tests and bills in the spring of 1949, with which I wish to close my statement: The widespread support of bills designed to control subversive activities is a sure sign of the increasing fear sweeping over the American people. Recognition of and respect for basic rights are sure to diminish in times of danger, and rights are readily sacrificed in the name of the public good. In opposing loyalty bills, Committees on Un-American Activities (Federal and State), the Women's International League for Peace and Freedom is neither blind to present dangers nor indifferent to the public good. We base our opposition on the following grounds: 1. Proposed measures, while purporting to protect democracy, are themselves subversive, since they undermine the basic principle of democracy-faith in the ability of the individual to think for himself. 2. Measures designed to suppress one view, such as communism, are sure to lead to the suppression of other ideas which go counter to accepted social patterns. 3. Such measures obscure the clear distinction that should be maintained between thought and action. No person should be tried or condemned because of opinion, or because of association with others holding unpopular opinions. While it is frequently difficult to distinguish between an idea and an incitement to action, since all ideas sincerely held are likely to eventuate in action, failure to make this distinction leads to a situation in which men are afraid of critical thinking. 4. The climate of unthinking conformity induced by such measures endangers future progress. In all fields, greater knowledge can be obtained only if there is the possibility of criticizing established ideas and of examining all possible alternatives. While no suppressive measures can prevent the freedom of the individual to think for himself, they make such independent thinking more difficult by persecuting those who practice it. 5. The machinery necessary to administer such measures tends toward the creation of a police state in which critical, courageous, and far-sighted citizens are sometimes put at the mercy of ignorant and unscrupulous spies and informers. Whatever the dangers may be from fifth columns, the greatest danger lies, we believe, in our lack of vigorous faith in our own democratic institutions. The best defense of freedom, we believe, is the practice of freedom. Mr. HARRISON. Thank you very much. Mr. TAVENNER. Is there a representative present from the International Workers Order? (No response.) Mr. TAVENNER. If not, Mr. Chairman, that is all for today. Mr. HARRISON. Very well. The committee stands at recess until 10:30 tomorrow morning. (Thereupon, at 11:40 a. m. on Wednesday, May 3, 1950, a recess was taken until Thursday, May 4, 1950, at 10:30 a. m.) HEARINGS ON LEGISLATION TO OUTLAW CERTAIN UN-AMERICAN AND SUBVERSIVE ACTIVITIES THURSDAY, MAY 4, 1950 UNITED STATES HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, MORNING SESSION Washington, D. C. The committee met, pursuant to call, at 11 a. m. in room 226, Old House Office Building, Washington, D. C., Hon. John S. Wood (chairman) presiding. Committee members present: Representatives John S. Wood, Francis E. Walter, Burr P. Harrison, John McSweeney (arriving as indicated), Francis Case, Harold H. Velde, and Bernard W. Kearney. Staff members present: Frank S. Tavenner, Jr., counsel; Louis J. Russell, senior investigator; Donald T. Appell, William A. Wheeler, Courtney Owens, and William Jackson Jones, investigators; Benjamin Mandel,, director of research; John W. Carrington, clerk; and A. S. Poore, editor. Mr. Wood. The committee will be in order, please. Let the record show that there are present Messrs. Walter, Harrison, Case, Velde, Kearney, and Wood, a majority of the committee. Mr. Tavenner, have you some witnesses here this morning? Mr. TAVENNER. Is there a representative here from the American Federation for Aid to Polish Jews? Mr. FEDERMAN. Yes. Mr. TAVENNER. Will you come forward please. I believe you are Mr. Federman? Mr. FEDERMAN. That is right. Mr. Wood. Mr. Federman, will you hold up your right hand, please. Do you solemnly swear the testimony you give this committee shall be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God? Mr. FEDERMAN. I do. Mr. WOOD. Have a seat. TESTIMONY OF SIMON FEDERMAN Mr. TAVENNER. Will you state your full name, please? Mr. FEDERMAN. Simon Federman, 625 Ocean Avenue, Brooklyn, N. Y. Mr. TAVENNER. Do you appear here today as a representative of any particular organization? Mr. FEDERMAN. Yes. I appear as a representative of the American Federation for Aid to Polish Jews. 2307 |