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obstacles, he continued, to any real improvements in Europe were the miserable jealousies of the different governments. That was why he thought a mutual understanding so essential. However, he was glad to have obtained one glimpse of daylight since he came here, which he considered as an immense point gained. He had gone through the Scandinavian question with Lord Palmerston. The Scandinavian union was wished by the people of the Northern countries. If Denmark were to be united with Sweden, he had been afraid that England would object to Holstein being given to Prussia on account of the splendid harbour of Kiel; Lord Palmerston, however, had said, "Not at all."

'I interrupted, that we would not object to the strengthening of Prussia; but that I was certain that the people of Holstein would not like to become Prussian, nor would the rest of Germany like to see it. Holstein belonged already to

Germany, and what she wanted was, not to be separated from Schleswig, the union with which was guaranteed to her. I expatiated a little on the Holstein question, which appeared to bore the Emperor as "très-compliquée."

'At the conclusion of our conversation, he expressed in the strongest terms his pleasure at the solution of the Eastern difficulty.

I said, that we could hardly be grateful enough to Providence for having allowed this visit, and for having let it fall at the present moment. Three days later he could not have come on account of the rupture and universal turmoil, which must have followed the steps taken at Constantinople. Three days before, it would have given the appearance, that whilst he had been the friendly guest at our house he had meditated treacherously to upset us in Turkey. What I should have dreaded most would have been the fury of our press against him personally.

'I explained that this was not the effect of a desire on the

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part of the press of England to make war upon him; but he must recollect, that our press was the only weapon left to all his enemies in Germany, Italy, France, &c. &c., and to the powerful party which had up to this time been successfully kept down by him. The use of this weapon is at present denied to them, as the press feels that, because the nation wants a good understanding, and the alliance with France and himself (the Emperor), the ally must be spared and protected. But, from the moment that this friendship is broken, the press having no further motive for shielding him, this fearful weapon would at once be at the disposal of his enemies, and used to the utmost.

'As after the answer received by Count Morny from the Emperor Alexander, I could not help suspecting, that the object of the Imperial interview was to enable the Sovereigns to speak without that reserve which a diplomatist rendered necessary, I thought it as well to beg the Emperor to let me make one remark with reference to the projected meeting in September, viz., that knowing the relationship and ties of intimacy existing between the members of that great family of Northern princes, cemented by an alliance of nearly fifty years, I was certain too much caution could not be shown on his part with regard to what he might say to the Emperor Alexander, as I begged him to rest assured, that every word which passed his lips would be known at once to them all.

'I ventured further to express my opinion on the danger to which he exposed himself by not taking a Minister with him, when he stayed away from Paris, and then treating important and complicated affairs quite of himself.

'He answered: he felt this, but he could not correspond with so many different Ministers, and he could not take them all with him. He felt the necessity of getting some one to act as his chief Minister, "mais où trouver l'homme?"

'I agreed in the difficulty, but urged also the necessity of

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having an organ capable of seizing his views and giving them that form which would ensure their success. No monarch had been great without having a great Minister.

'He concluded by many civil expressions of confidence in my judgment, to which I could only return the assurance of my sincerest wishes for the Emperor's success and welfare, and the happiness and prosperity of mankind.'

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'Lord Palmerston, to whom I spoke of the foregoing conversation, declared with some surprise, that the daylight which he could have shown to the Emperor could in reality have been only the smallest glimpse. He had by no means approved a division of Denmark; but, on the contrary, had shown all the difficulties surrounding that question. He had merely stated, that we were not jealous of Prussia and of seeing her strengthened.'

No one can read this Memorandum without admiring on the one hand the frankness and courage with which the Prince spoke out what was little calculated to flatter the Emperor's self-esteem, or without acknowledging on the other the openness to conviction for which Lord Cowley in the letter above cited claims credit for the Emperor, and that quality of mind, rare among all men, and most rare among sovereigns, which feels no resentment at contradiction.

When informed by Lord Clarendon of the arrangement come to, the Prince advised him to put it in writing, on the sound principle that words spoken are apt to be differently understood and remembered. The value of the suggestion became apparent, when in the following year the Emperor and Count Walewski adopted a policy at variance with the Osborne Compromise. Fortunately Lord Palmerston acted upon the Prince's suggestion, and drew up a Memorandum the same day (9th August) the arrangement was concluded.

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That arrangement was in effect that the Moldavian elections should be annulled, and new electoral lists made out and revised by the Commissioners under the Treaty of Paris. On the other hand, the British and French Governments were to combine at the proper time in endeavouring to secure the suzeraineté of the Sultan over the Danubian Provinces, and at the same time to ensure to those provinces an internal organisation calculated to maintain their ancient privileges, and to promote their well-being and prosperity.

Next day the Memorandum was shown to Count Walewski, Lord Clarendon telling him, as he did so, that as it was drawn up for the information of the Cabinet, he wished to know if its correctness was admitted. Count Walewski admitted that it was correct, but refused to consider it as an official document, or to sign it, upon the ground that the Emperor's Government desired to keep the satisfaction to be obtained from the Porte, and the arrangement subsequently to be made respecting the Principalities, distinct from each other, and also because, were he to sign the Memorandum, it would appear that France had made a concession upon the latter point for the purpose of inducing the Sultan to agree upon the former. These reasons were hardly sufficient for the refusal, and Count Walewski's conduct at a later period raised the suspicion that they may not have been his only reasons.

CHAPTER LXXX.

TOWARDS sunset on the evening of the 19th of August the inhabitants of Cherbourg were surprised by the unexpected appearance in the harbour of Her Majesty's yacht Victoria and Albert, with the Queen and Prince and six of the Royal children on board. A stormy-looking sea in the Solent that morning had threatened to prevent the little expedition to France, which had been devised as a recreation after many months of continuous anxiety and fatigue. But it was persevered in, upon the assurance of nautical experts, that the disturbance was local, and, true enough, when the yacht had passed the Needles the sea became smooth, and by the time Cherbourg was reached, says the Queen's Diary, from which we shall borrow largely for the account of this expedition, the evening was splendid, the sea like oil, and the sun throwing over everything a beautiful golden light. The breakwater,' the same record adds, 'is of great extent, and extensive works are going on all around; the only shipping two or three small trading vessels. The small town is picturesquely situated, with an old church,—a fort with a high cliff commanding it on one side, and hills rising behind the town, very like Ehrenbreitstein.'

The Prince went on shore at once, and soon afterwards the Préfet Maritime and his flag-lieutenant came on board the yacht, and remained to dinner with the Royal visitors. After dinner the English Consul, Mr. Hammond, and several French officers of distinction, appeared in full uniform. Among

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