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"vernments are now beginning to be too well un"derstood to promise them any long career. The "farce of monarchy and aristocracy in all countries "is following that of chivalry, and Mr. Burke is "dressing for the funeral-let it then pass quietly "to the tomb of all other follies, and the mourner "be comforted. The time is not very distant when "England will laugh at herself for sending to Hol"land, Hanover, Zell, or Brunswick, for men, at "the expense of a million a year, who understood "neither her laws, her language, nor her interest, "and whose capacities would scarcely have fitted "them for the office of parish constable."

This is said of William the Third-this is said of two very illustrious Princes of the House of Brunswick, George the First and Second, and extends to the present Sovereign upon the throne.

"If government could be trusted to such hands, "it must be some easy and simple thing indeed; and "materials fit for all the purposes may be found in every town and village in England.”

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The policy of the constitution of this country has ever avoided, excepting when driven to it by melancholy necessity, to disturb the hereditary succession to the throne; and it has wisely thought it more fitting to pursue that system, even though a foreigner should be seated on the throne of these realms, than to break through it. This would insinuate, that the necessary defects of an hereditary monarchy are such as outweigh the advantages attending that which I

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have stated, Is that so? I would ask any man who hears me, in point of history, whether it is not the permanent defect of elective monarchies, that the sovereigns are seldom men of any consideration, and for an obvious reason; most frequently it has happened, that turbulent factions, after having desolated their country, one of them (it has so hap pened, at least in most instances as far as my recollection goes) sets up a tool whom the successful faction can themselves govern at pleasure.-Often has it happened that such factions, when a civil war arises, which must almost necessarily be the case in elective monarchies, not choosing to come to the conclusion of an armed contest, have chosen a very weak person, each in hope of strengthening his party by the time the periodical civil war should come round. I believe, upon examination, this will be found to be generally the case, and to have prevailed in elective monarchies to a greater degree than any inconveniences that may have ever arisen from the natural infirmities of princes who succeeded to their thrones by hereditary right, in the constitution of Great Britain; for to that, this man alludes.

Has he stated with any sort of fairness, or as he at all stated or adverted to the many, many remedies we have for any defect of that sort? Has he stated the numerous councils of a King? His council of Parliament-his council of his Judges in matters of law-his Privy Council? Has he stated the responsibility of all those councils? some in point of

character, some of personal responsibility. Has he stated the responsibility of those immediate servants who conduct his executive government? Has he stated the appointment of regents? Has he stated all this, which is indispensably necessary towards a fair and honest discussion (which this book will possibly be called) of this point of his insuperable objection to hereditary monarchy? Can this be called any other than gross suppression and wilful mis-statement, to raise discontent in half-informed minds?

There does come across my mind at this moment, unquestionably, one illustrious exception to that doctrine I have stated, of men not the most capable of government having in general been chosen in the case of elective monarchies; and that is a man whom no indignities, no misfortunes, no disappointments, no civil commotions, no provocations, ever forced from the full and steady possession of a strong mind, which has always risen with elasticity under all the pressures that I have stated: and he, though not in one sense of that word a great prince, yet is certainly a great man, who will go down as such to the latest posterity: I mean the King of Poland. Don't imagine, Gentlemen, that my adverting to this illus trious character is useless. Every gentleman who hears me, knows he had a considerable part of his matured education in this country. Here he familiarized himself with the constitution of this country. Here he became informed of the provisions of what

this man calls the Bill of Wrongs aud Insults, without disparagement to him, for I believe him to be a just and wise prince, of great natural faculties. Here it was that he saw, and could alone learn how the regal government of a free people was conducted, and that under a Prince of the House of Brunswick.

Gentlemen, having stated thus much to you, I will now, for want of suitable expressions (for mine are very feeble), borrow from another; I certainly have formed an opinion upon this subject precisely similar; to deliver it in plain words would exhaust the utmost of my powers, but I will borrow the words of a very able writer, who has most properly, for fear some ill impression should be made by this book on the weaker part of mankind in America, given an answer to this book of Mr. Paine. That distinguished gentleman, I have reason to believe, though not the chief magistrate in that country, is the second in the executive government of it; that is, he is second in the exercise of the regal part of the government of that country. He takes care to confute accurately what Mr. Paine says with respect to America; but, borrowing his words, I beg to be understood, that this is my opinion of the work before you, and which I humbly offer for your consideration and adoption. He says, * His intention

appears evidently to be, to convince the people of "Great Britain, that they have neither liberty nor a "constitution; that their only possible means to

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produce those blessings to themselves, is to topple

"down headlong their present government, and "follow implicitly the example of the French."

Gentlemen, the next passage, which I beg to be understood as mine (I wish I could express it as well myself), is this:-" Mr. Paine, in reply, cuts the "Gordian knot at once, declares the Parliament of "1688 to have been downright usurpers, censures "them for having unwisely sent to Holland for a

King, denies the existence of a British constitu"tion, and invites the people of England to over"turn their present government, and to erect ano"ther upon the broad basis of national sovereignty " and government by representation. As Mr. Paine "has departed altogether from the principles of the "Revolution, and has torn up by the roots all rea"soning from the British constitution, by the denial "of its existence, it becomes necessary to examine "his work upon the grounds which he has chosen "to assume. If we judge of the production from "its apparent tendency, we may call it an address "to the English nation, attempting to prove that "they have a right to form a new constitution; "that it is expedient for them immediately to exer"cise that right, and that in the formation of this "constitution they can do no better than to imitate "the model set before them by the French National

Assembly. However immethodical his production. "is, I believe the whole of its argumentative part

may be referred to these three points: if the sub"ject were to affect only the British nation, we

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