The proposition which the Czar made to the English cabinet is a full disclosure of the main features of his policy. He was willing to surrender all claim to Egypt in behalf of England, and this of itself is conclusive upon one point, that he had no sinister designs upon western Europe, and that he desired simply a position from whence he could safely prosecute his favorite Eastern policy, and establish himself on the road to northern Asia. The right of Russia to execute her design is, to say the least, quite as clear as that of England to her acquisitions in India, or that of France to those provinces of Africa which she has violently wrested away. But Russia has not declared war upon Great Britain because she has spoiled the East Indian peninsula, nor upon France because of her conquest of Algiers; yet these, but lately mortal foes, allied themselves for an assault on Russia because she is pursuing a scheme of national aggrandizement, which, in its moral character, is certainly no worse than their own. No candid man will deny that the Russian Emperor was right when he spoke of the dissolution of the Turkish empire as an event not only certain, but near. Nor could any one doubt that when this should occur it would surely convulse all Europe, unless the whole question could be settled by some definite previous arrangement. It is difficult, therefore, to discover anything very atrocious in the frank and open manner in which Nicholas brought the subject to the attention of the British ministers; and in his subsequent conversations with Sir H. Seymour, England was certainly treated in an honorable manner, whatever may be said of the intention of either government in regard to Turkey.

But let it once be conceded that an unavoidable necessity of making some disposition of Turkish affairs was near at hand, and it will be difficult to show that the course of Nicholas was more open to censure than that of the other Powers who have made themselves parties to this conflict. If it be granted that a radical change was imminent in the Ottoman Empire, then it should be remembered that only about one-fourth of the inhabitants of that empire are

Turks, and that no less than twelve millions of them are members of the Greek Church, and therefore bound by religious affinities to Russia, and inclined toward her also by a common Oriental origin, while between these same Greek Christians and the Roman Catholic nations of the west, there is cherished an irreconcilable and mutual dislike.

To extend the dominion of Russia over the Turkish Empire, would be to incorporate twelve millions who are already in at least a partial sympathy with her, while with either French or English rule would be introduced a different race and a different religion-and with France a religion intensely hostile. These circumstances should all be taken into consideration in explanation of the demands and purposes of Russia. They will show that her pretensions in this Eastern question have at least as reasonable a foundation as those of her western rivals. The idea of a regeneration of the Ottoman Empire, with the Turkish element predominant, is, in the opinion of the best informed in Europe, a mere dream, contrary to every analogy in the history of the world, and in the nature of things impossible. This will be dwelt upon more in detail hereafter. But, assuming here as true what will be proved in another chapter, that the dominion of the Turk is already virtually over, then the twelve millions of Greek Christians will at once be the predominant element in the population, and their natural affinities lead them to Russia, as the head and defender of the Greek Church. This certainly is the case with all but the higher clergy, who, from personal ambition, would dislike the control of Russia.

It may be safely asserted that an independent state on the present territory of Turkey, composed of Greek Christians, could not be maintained by all the power of western Europe. France, as a Catholic Power, could maintain no influence there except by force of arms-the influence of the conqueror over the conquered-and England, as the ally of a Papal Power, made herself obnoxious to the whole Greek Church, which regards this war as, in fact, a religious quarrel. The attempt to erect within the limits of

Turkey an independent Christian state, considering the elements that must compose it, would necessarily end either in its speedy incorporation with Russia or in a continual war, for the very same reasons which have originated the former struggle.

The single fact that fifty millions in the Russian Empire belong to the Greek rite, and that twelve millions in Turkey are of the same faith, is sufficient to show how the Eastern question will be finally settled. And to prove that the demands of Russia are by no means so preposterous and unjust as France and England would have the world believe, let it be supposed that twelve millions of evangelical Protestants, allied to the Americans by race and religious faith, were, for the present, held in subjection by five millions of Mexicans, and that this Mexican rule was weak and tottering-about to fall-would France or England be allowed to prevent these twelve millions from being incorporated with the United States? Would this Government permit these to be made an independent state even under French or English dictation, that it might be interposed between us and the West India islands and South America, hold us within such limits as they should prescribe, and so preserve here the balance of power?

It is quite evident that there could be but one settlement of such a question. The very existence of this Union would depend upon the continent being freed from any such foreign control. Every American would declare that the free development of the country should go on without let or hindrance from any others, whose only interest in the matter would be that of checking our too rapid advance, and keeping us to their own level of power.

This, in principle, is the very movement which we are called upon to meet in the French occupation of Mexico. The Emperor declares without reserve that he has seized it to interrupt and prevent the future growth of the Republic, and that this interference is in behalf of the Latin race, and we cannot safely forget that England declared herself to be in perfect accord with France in regard to American

affairs, and that the French and English fleets were united in the expedition to Mexico. Louis Napoleon has explained his policy in words. Had English statesmen done the same the record in substance would have been this: "Our trans"atlantic cousins are becoming too powerful, they must be "taken down. They are pressing hard on Mexico, having "already absorbed some of her finest provinces; and they "will soon wrest Cuba from Spain, and so obtain control of "the West Indian seas; and they are moreover construct"ing a railway to the Pacific that may endanger our East"ern trade, while at the same time they are building up a "manufacturing system which will render them independent "of our workshops, and enable them to meet us in the "markets of the world, and we must therefore sever this "Union or enable the rebels to do it; we must help the "Confederates to annihilate their commerce, force their "carrying trade into our own ships, and effectually cripple "their power." Thus the "Eastern Question" shows that it has a Western phase also, and the Alliance, as Lord Palmerston declared, had designs " ulterior to the preservation "of Turkey."

CHAPTER XIV.

HAD THE ALLIES FULLY SUCCEEDED IN THE ATTACK ON RUSSIA THEY WOULD HAVE HELD TURKEY AS A COLONIAL DEPENDENCY, AS ENGLAND HOLDS INDIA, AND AS FRANCE INTENDS TO DEAL WITH MEXICO.

Only about one-fourth part of the population of the Ottoman Empire are Turks, and these, as masters, hold the remaining three-fourths in subjection, treating them as an inferior caste, just in proportion as they are not restrained by a fear of European Powers. A very large proportion of this subject class, perhaps fourteen millions, bear the Christian name. This fact alone would be sufficient to show that the days of Turkish dominion are numbered.

These millions of Christians could not be compelled much longer to endure the broken yoke of the Mussulman, and the Emperor of Russia only presented a most obvious fact to the English cabinet, when he intimated that it would be wise to make some proper provision for the approaching change. It was, however, urged, both in England and by those who sympathized with England here, that although the power of the Sultan may be annihilated, and Turkey proper disappear, still on the territory of the Porte a Christian State may be established, which, under the protection of the Western Powers, may give a Christian civilization