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5. De la Literature Haitienne. Par A. Mitral. (Revue Ency- clopedique, Tom. I. et III.) -.-.-. 45
VII.—Germany And The Revolution.
1. Teutschland und die Revolution. Von J. Gorres. Zweite
2. L'Allemagne et La Revolution. Par J. Goerres. Traduit
de l'Allemand par C. A. Sheffer. i
3. Germany and the Revolution. By Professor Goerres, late
Editor of the Rhenish Mercury. Translated from the original German, by John Black ----- 153
VIII.—On Adulterations Of Food.
1. A Treatise on Adulterations of Food, and culinary Poisons,
exhibiting the fraudulent Sophistications of Bread, Beer,
2. Practical Observations on the Nature and Treatment of
Marasmus, and those Disorders allied to it, which may be strictly denominated Bilious. By Joseph Ayre, M. D. Member of the Royal Medical Society of Edinburgh, &c. 171 IX.—Buonaparte And His Secretary.
1. Memoires Historiques de Napoleon. Livre ix. 1815.
2. Memoires pour servir a l'Histoire de la Vie Privee, du Retour, ^
et du Regne de Napoleon en 1815, par M. Fleury de Chaboulon, Ex-Secretaire de l'Empereur Napoleon et de son Cabinet, MaitFes des Requeues au Conseil d'Etat, Baron, Officier de la Legion d'Honneur, Chevalier de l'Ordre de la Reunion --------- 191
X.—Cottu, On The Administration Of Criminal Justice In
England. De l'Administration de la Justice Criminelle en Angleterre, ou de 1'Esprit du Gouvernement Anglais. Par M. Cottu, Oonseiller a la Cour Royale de Paris, Secretaire General du Conseil General de la Soci6te Royale des Prisons, et du Conseil Special des Prisons de Paris ------ 202
XL—Vindication Of The Authorized English Translation Of The
1. Reasons in favour of a New Translation of the Holy Scriptures.
By Sir James Bland Burges, Bart.
2. A Vindication of our authorized Translation and Translators of
the Bible, and of preceding English Versions, authoritatively
3. Reasons why a New Translation of the Bible should not be
published, without a previous Statement and Examination of
LONDON CRITICAL JOURNAL.
Art. I.—RECENT OCCURRENCES, SPEECHES, AN1> SIGNS OF THE TIMES.
1. A Letter to the Freeholders of the County of Durham, on the
- Proceedings of the County Meeting, holden on Thursday, 2lst
October, instant; and particularly on the Speech of John George
Lamblon, Esq. M.P. By Rev. Henry Phillpotts, M. A. Prebendary of Durham. 8vo. Hatchard. London, 1819.
iJ. Letter to John Ralph Fenwick, Esq. By John Davison, Rector of Washington. 8vo. Murray. London.
-3. Remarks on an Article in the Edinburgh Review, No. 64, entitled "Necessity of Parliamentary Inquiry." By Rev. H. Phillpotts, M, A. Prebendary of Durham. 8vo. Hatchard. London, 1820.
4. Substance of the Speech of the Right Hon. Lord Grenville, in the House of Lords, Nov. 30, 1819, on the Marquis of Lansdown's Motion, That a Select Committee be appointed to inquire into the Stale of the Country, and more particularly into the Distresses and Discontents prevalent in the Manufacturing Districts, and the Execution of the Laws with Respect to the numerous Meetings which have taken place. 8vo. Murray. London, 1820.
5- The Substance of the Speech, of the Right Hon. W. C. Plunhet, in the House of' Commons, on Tuesday, Z'id November, 1819. Svo. Hatchard. London, 1819.
vOL. Xv. NO. XXIX. B
6, Substance of the Speech of the Right Hon. George Canning, in the House of Commons, on Wednesday, November 24, 1819, on the Address to the Throne, vpon the Opening of the Session of Parliament. 8vo. Murray. London, 1820.
JL HE pamphlets of Mr. Phillpotts and Mr. Davison, at the head of this article, are very short, and the subjects of which they treat are threadbare: there are however, two peculiarities belonging to them, which have given them an interest in our eyes beyond their temporary matter. The reputation of each of these writers is much above the ordinary standard, and the collateral hostilities in which their interference has involved them afford a fair occasion for many reflections. The production of Mr. Davison is hardly of body enough to sustain a regular criticism in a quarterly journal; and we presume it was from respect for the known ability of the author, coupled perhaps with some fear of what.might be the consequence of this direction of his talents, that a celebrated critical journal has taken up arms against it, and a distinguished politician, if the rumour be right, has stooped from his elevation to resume the office of reviewer for an occasional act of vindictive chastisement.
Mr. Davison's letter was written immediately before the Durham meeting for expressing the sense of the county on the transactions of the 16th of August at Manchester, to a friend, who appears to have concurred in the requisition for that meeting, to dissuade him from taking part in it, upon grounds which, it was probably expected, might, by being printed and circulated, extend its effects generally, and help to check the ardour of erroneous impressions and misguided zeal. The pamphlet of Mr. Phillpotts came after the meeting had taken place, and having to condemn the conduct displayed at such meeting, as •well as the principle on which it was convened, was, as might have been expected, more pointedly severe in the character of its strictures. It is very apparent that the journal alluded to has, in the review of these little productions, renounced the character of impartiality, essential to the justness of criticism, and taken up that of a party assailant; and, in order that the motive might be the less equivocal, a detached publication of the article has, we understand, been since sent forth in the form of a pamphlet j thus exhibiting the novelty of a judge deciding upon party grounds, and then adopting his own decision as the vehicle of political invective. ,
It is the misfortune of the times that there is no neutral peaceful corner in the literary world. Party hostility occupies the whole ground, and the dust and smoke of perpetual conflict throws every object into confusion; darkening and perplexing the moral and intellectual scene. It is a common observation so long acquiesced in as to have been set almost above contradiction, that a state of general excitement and collision is the condition of the public mind most favourable to its developement and advancement. This observation, however, is probably, like most others, of a general nature, true only to a qualified extent. To our minds it is not difficult to imagine a state of society, with its various divisions and classes marshalled and arrayed against each other with feelings so prejudiced, and animosities so unsparing, as to leave no stage for truth or unbiassed reasoning to act their parts upon. In such a state of things every body comes among his fellows prepared for an offensive or defensive war of words, and the disputant that ranges himself on no side but that of truth, especially practical truth, may easily count his auditors. The press that administers to this stimulated, or diseased appetite, must necessarily itself be in a very vitiated state: and thus it is found unhappily true of the present moment, that no journal, nor indeed any publication which treats of temporary events, can proceed with any safety to itself in a middle course, whatever the adage may say to the contrary, or subsist without loss to the publisher, it it attempts to verify its boast of impartiality.
In our consideration of this subject we lay out of the account all that portion of the press which is avowedly devoted to the work of moral mischief; the contentious character of the times, even among men of virtue and repute, is extremely unfavourable to the substantial progress of intellect; strength is wasted in aggression, truth lost in exaggeration, honesty betrayed by passion.
The propriety of these observations has been but too well illustrated by the malevolent inventions which have taken the place of facts in all the late events which have disturbed our domestic peace, or threatened our national security. Had a diseased and factious opposition been out of the way, the late struggles would have exhibited the palpable and simple case of the men of property and the men of none, the proprietors and the plunderers, in opposite columns. Distress from circumstances plainly unavoidable, and profligacy improving the opportunity of a favourable crisis, accidental provocation, and inherent turpitude, constant wickedness and occasional excitation, the credulity of want, and the mendacity of vice, contain the entire secret of the late public events. This is the naked case, and the natural solution of the problem. But when the welleducated and the wise in their generation seize upon the case to assist their views of political ambition or opposition, the subject loses its simplicity, the facts, plain in themselves, are perplexed