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French by taking a course of lectures, extra curriculum, on, let us say, the life and work of Casaubon himself, provided some member of the faculty could be persuaded to give such a course of lectures.

All these reflections are prompted by some facts which have just been furnished to us through the courtesy of Mr. Marcel Knecht, of the Official Bureau of French Information in New York City, regarding the registration of American soldiers of the A. E. F. in French universities. Mr. André Tardieu, formerly French High Commissioner to the United States, devised a plan last autumn by which these soldiers, most of them college men whom the war seized from their studies, have been distributed among the French universities. The purpose of the plan is to give American soldiers an opportunity to spend time that is not needed for military duties in taking special courses in continuation of their academic careers. The amazing number, of 5,800 soldiers have been availing themselves of this opportunity. Fourteen universities in various towns throughout the French Republic are participating in the plan. Seventeen hundred American soldiers are registered, for example, at the Sorbonne in Paris, and eleven hundred are registered, or were on the last of March, at the University of Toulouse in southern France. The next largest number, five hundred and fifty, were at Montpellier. The balance of these American students were distributed at the Universities of Rennes, Caen, Nancy, Poitiers, Dijon, Besançon, Grenoble, AixMarseille, Bordeaux, Clermont-Ferrand, and Lyon. American professors who are doing special war service in France have been taken into the work and are acting in the capacity of what might perhaps be called university liaison officers. There could be no better scheme devised to develop and maintain the relations of understanding and friendship between the two Republics.

England is also opening her universities to American soldier students. An early issue of The Outlook will contain an article by Dr. Shipley, of Christ's College, Cambridge, giving some impressions of the American Army men now studying at this ancient and beautiful British seat of learning.

THE INTERCHURCH WORLD

MOVEMENT

"America has moved out of its old isolation into the realm of world affairs. The programme of the Church must match the policy of the Nation if the Church is to continue as a world force."

This, in substance, is what the Interchurch World Movement, which was the subject of a great Conference held in Cleveland on April 30 to May 2, stands for.

Perhaps its spirit can best be described

by certain extracts from the speech of the Chairman of the gathering, Dr. S. Earl Taylor. It was in that speech that he used the words which we quote as the characterization of the movement. He cited the remarks of General Byng, the famous commander of the Canadians at Vimy and of the British Third Army at Cambrai, when he said to Bishop McConnell: "I trust that you will go back to your own country and go to your own people, and in every way that you can urge upon them that in the days, the terrible days ahead of us, the days after the war, the Church shall fail not." And Dr. Taylor asked, "What has made democracy safe in America?" And he answered, "The Christian home, the open Bible, the free church. In a word, the foundations of intelligence and morality laid deep by our Pilgrim and Puritan forefathers."

And he went on to show by words and by pictures on the screen that invariably at the bottom of every peril that is threatening the world to-day is the lack of that foundation of morality, and to show also that the places of stability, of contentment, of peace, and of strength are places where moral principle and education, and, underneath all, religious faith, prevail. And he put before his audience facts showing that investments in schools and churches are really investments in security. "Beyond all question the Church of Christ is incomparably the most powerful organization that we know anything about in the world. And yet a fair study of its latent resources and unused power would probably compel us to conclude that of all the great organizations in the world the Church is developed to the smallest percentage of its capacity." He declared that interest charges on the cost of the World War at four per cent for one hour exceeded the total gifts from America for foreign missions for the year 1918.

The Interchurch World Movement is an attempt to bring the Protestant Churches, that is, the twenty-five million people who make up the Protestant Churches of America, into action somewhat more in proportion than at present to their power and resources. It is an effort to enable America, the only Western Nation that has not sacrificed virtually a whole generation of its youth in war, to see that the democracy which the war has saved is itself saved from becoming merely materialistic or destructive or anarchic by being made a moral, a relig ious, a Christian democracy.

To this end, the Conference at Cleveland assembled nearly five hundred delegates, representing twenty-eight denominations. Most of these delegates were officers or members of various missionary boards, a number of them were college presidents and professors, others repre

sented interdenominational organizations, and others were editors and clergymen. It was decided to make surveys to show what is being done and what is not being done in home and foreign missions, education, religious training, and social service. When the surveys are ready, then a co-operative community and world programme will be outlined and put into operation. The purpose is to have in all communities joint "drives" like those for the Liberty Loans or the Red Cross, but in this case for the common use of the Protestant churches. The first purpose is to increase the constituency of the churches-to double it. It is somewhat staggering, certainly it is a bold conception, but its boldness has won to the movement many of the strongest leaders.

There was a frank facing of the fact that in all this the Churches would have to place themselves in accord with the spirit of democracy, and especially in contact with industrial questions and with the life of people who work with their hands. A keen edge to the discussion of this aspect of the problem before the Churches was given by the fact that on Thursday, in front of the hotel occupied by the Convention, there was a Socialist demonstration and rioting. It is true that the participants in the riot were overwhelmingly foreign-born; but the red flags and the disorder and the injuries constituted a picture of what the Church has to face in the world to-day.

The official leaders of the Interchurch Movement, chosen by the general committee at this session, are: Chairman, F. W. Ayer, of New York, leader of the Baptist Layman's Movement; vice-chairman, Fred B. Smith, of New York, widely known as a Y. M. C. A. leader, and promoter of the Men and Religion Movement; recording secretary, W. B. Millar, New York, secretary Layman's Missionary Movement; executive secretary, S. Earl Taylor, New York, secretary Methodist Episcopal Board of Foreign Missions; treasurer, George M. Fowles, New York; and John R. Mott, of New York, chairman of the executive committee. These officials, with the co-operation of "key men" in the various interested denominations, will develop the plans to be perfected at a great gathering which is to be held next fall.

THE RED CROSS OF THE
FUTURE

The large extension of the field of Red Cross activities, already proposed and to some extent put in operation in this country by the American Red Cross, is to be taken up on a world-wide scale and purpose by a Red Cross Congress to convene at Geneva thirty days after peace has been declared. This International

Congress at Geneva will be the most momentous meeting in the history of the Red Cross movement. Already a preliminary meeting of experts on such subjects as child welfare, tuberculosis, hygiene, and all the large aspects of public health, has been in session at Cannes, with a view to prepare for the Geneva conference an extended programme of desirable new Red Cross activities in the interests of humanity.

The resolution adopted by these distinguished physicians and scientists of England, France, Japan, Italy, and the United States defines the purpose of the movement to be "to spread the light of science and the warmth of human sympathy into every corner of the world."

Heretofore the field of the Red Cross has been to alleviate the suffering caused by war or by some terrible calamity. But the efficiency of the association and the liberality with which the people answer its calls for support have made it evident that it has a wider mission than this. Hereafter, as the resolution adopted at the Cannes meeting declared, "while every measure should be taken to repair the ravages of war and to prevent all wars, it is no less important that the world should address itself to the prevention and amelioration of those ever-present tragedies of unnecessary sickness and death which occur in the homes of all peoples."

There can be no doubt that this movement will have the support of the peoples of the world in creating a vast organization, thoroughly equipped, to promote human betterment in a systematic and co-ordinated manner. The particular purposes laid down by the experts at the Cannes conference are the development of sound measures for public health and sanitation, the welfare of children and mothers, the education and training of nurses, the control of tuberculosis, venereal diseases, malaria, and other infectious and preventable diseases.

The call issued by the International Committee of the Red Cross Societies of the world rightly declares that the new programme is exactly in keeping with the high ideals which led to the formation of the Red Cross half a century ago. It is certainly true, to quote the words of the Committee, that "if it was possible half a century ago to bring nations to an understanding, not to abolish war, but to alleviate in some measure the suffering which follows in its wake, surely such an understanding would be more beneficent, even more glorious, when it leads the nations to work in concert under the impulse of mutual confidence and common charity to remedy certain ills which are visited upon the human society, or to bring aid to one of the nations stricken by sudden catastrophe."

FOR WORKING GIRLS

Twenty-eight years ago The Outlook first called the attention of its readers to the value and quality of the help rendered sick and tired girls by the Working Girls' Vacation Society of New York. Our readers responded then with liberality. From time to time since similar appeals have shown that the cause was remembered. Now a special condition encourages the hope that the pleasant co-operation of the past may be renewed.

In common with other philanthropies, the Working Girls' Vacation Society has felt seriously the financial conditions caused by the war. It is now facing a serious problem.

In addition to its regular vacation work at their houses in New York, Connecticut, and New Jersey, the Society has for twenty-five years conducted two houses at Santa Clara, in the Adirondacks, for the care of working girls who have tuberculosis in the incipient and curable state. These houses are necessarily run at special expense, as the girls must have the most nourishing food and must have the most nourishing food and live under the best conditions in order that they may be sufficiently benefited to return to their work at the end of the period of rest and recreation. As the nearest physician lives ten miles from the little hamlet of Santa Clara, it is necessary to have a resident doctor in case of a sudden illness. The house is not called a hospital or a sanitarium, but is simply a Vacation House where girls are sufficiently renewed in health to be able to continue work on their return to the city.

In many instances the girls must return to Santa Clara for a number of summers before the tendency to consumption is entirely conquered. It often happens that the girls who go to the examining physician in New York have no idea that they are threatened with tuberculosis. They are languid and ill, and when they are told the nature of their trouble they are naturally frightened at first, but later are very grateful that the disease has been taken in time.

The two houses in the Adirondacks Uplands and Hillcrest-were given to the Society by Mr. George E. Dodge. They are very perfectly equipped for the work and accommodate fifty-seven girls at a time. Now, because of the increased cost of everything-food, transportation, wages as well as a decrease in income because of the demands made by the war, the Society will be obliged to close one of these two houses this coming summer unless it can raise the $4,000 necessary for its support.

We ask those to whom this intensive effort to make working girls well and strong and give them a healthful and happy vacation appeals to write to the

Secretary, Mrs. William Herbert (United Charities Building, New York), for the extremely interesting thirty-third annual report of the Working Girls' Vacation Society or to send contributions directly to the same address.

A SOUTHERN PHILANTHROPIST
ON THE RACE QUESTION

We have received a pamphlet read at a meeting last March in Boston by Mr. Bolton Smith, of Memphis, Tennessee, which we wish might have a wide. circulation. Coming from a man born in the North but long resident in the South, who is in sympathy with the intelligent Southern view of the race. question, it presents by the principles it inculcates and the spirit it manifests a basis for a real agreement in both thought and feeling between the North and the South. The Northern and Southern positions are not antagonistic; they are not necessarily divergent. There is no incongruity between the Northern demand for justice to the Negro and the Southern demand for the preservation of the purity of the white race. We agree with Mr. Smith in his statement: "I believe these are the two sides of one and the same shield-the blood of the race must be kept pure, but so must its ideals-the former without the latter is like the body without the soul."

He urges that the children of the Negro and the white races be educated in separate schools, but he also urges that the schools be as good for the one race as for the other. He cites as an illustration the public schools in Cincinnati. There is no separate school law in Ohio, and Negro children have the right to attend the public schools attended by white children. "There is, however, a school in a densely colored portion of Cincinnati which I am informed is attended by Negro children only. It is stated that the average marks of these colored children for scholarship are higher than those earned by the colored children attending the schools also attended by white children. Besides, it is found that a larger proportion remain in school through the higher classes than is the case with the other colored children." The secret of this fact may, however, well be that "the school to which I refer in Cincinnati has just as much money spent on it as the other schools of the city."

He denies that the education of the Negro race will have any tendency to develop in that race a desire for social equality with the whites. The fact that a white man who should discover that he had Negro blood would wish to keep the secret and continue to associate with white people does not prove that a Negro

who has never thought of himself as anything else would be otherwise than uncomfortable if he were called on to associate intimately with white people. Mr. Smith gives this illustration:

When told of the valor of the British and the French, Americans do not feel the poorer. Rather do we feel the richer that we live in a world in which there is so much courage. These stories of the valor of our allies do not dim in the least the luster of the deeds of our own boys.

In the same way I feel the fame of my race to be safe and that I am the richer whenever I learn of some worthy accomplishment of a Negro. It is as if the Power that brought me here had said: "If this wonderful thing of life which you share can strike a spark from even this humble breast, how much more may you not attain to!"

The author is equally insistent on justice to the Negro and in his hostility to lynching. Lynching does not stop crime, and 66

what we want is to prevent crime rather than to have to punish it." As one means of preventing it he would establish colonies for the feeble-minded; and as another he would make provision for young Negro children so that they could be cared for during the day and taught simple work and play and trained as useful members of society. "It would be even cheaper in the long run than spending so much on criminal court and penitentiary." Above all, he would secure justice under the law for the Negro. "Every lynching makes even the good Negro feel less safe in his person and property."

AIRPLANE AMBULANCES

.

We have received, through the courtesy of Dr. C. L. Gibson, of New York City, an account of the successful employment of an airplane as a war ambulance in the desert of Morocco. The account comes from Dr. Tuffier, a friend of Dr. Gibson's, who not only holds a place of eminence in French surgery, but has been Chief Consultant to the French armies. Dr. Tuffier's account is especially interesting because it is not a prophecy of what aviators dream of doing in the future, but a scientific narrative of what they have already actually accomplished.

Dr. Tuffier was called from France to Morocco to see a general who had been badly wounded by a shell fragment which had entered the left side of the chest and had become lodged behind the heart. This officer had been wounded at a place one hundred and seventy miles from any railway. He had been carried to the rear from the line of fighting, fifteen miles, on a litter. Two army surgeons were detailed to go to him by airplane. One started from Fez, one hundred and eighty miles away, and reached the wounded officer in

three hours and ten minutes, after having
crossed the Atlas Mountains at an alti-
tude of about thirteen thousand feet. The

CHINA AND JAPAN AT
THE PEACE TABLE

other surgeon flew from another point

sixty miles away and arrived at the same
time. The station where the wounded
general lay was far too primitive for a
serious operation, being isolated in the
desert, without any instruments or ap-
paratus. The general's condition being
very grave, he was brought back by
bombing airplane to a hospital station,
a distance of about forty miles, escorted
by the two surgeons. Although the pa-
tient was in a very grave condition, an
operation was performed, and all the
immediate symptoms were successfully
relieved.

This is not the only instance of the air-
plane being used for the transportation
of wounded. It was found, so Dr. Tuffier
reports, that men suffering from the grav-
est lesions, such as fractures of the thigh,
could be easily transported forty miles in
three-quarters of an hour, flying over
the enemy lines. In September, 1918,
fifteen wounded men were brought back
from the front in Morocco by ordinary
airplane, covering a distance of sixty
miles in less than seventy minutes. Be
fore the war came to an end the French
had mapped out in southern Algeria and
in Tunis actual airplane routes for the
evacuation of the wounded and the trans-
portation of surgeons. One of these routes
reaches a point over three hundred miles
from any railway. To transport wounded
men over this route by camel or mule
would require twenty-six days. French
pilots have made this trip in airplanes
comfortably in one day. The advantages
of airplane evacuation of the wounded,
says Dr. Tuffier, are not only the rapidity
but the possibility of penetrating to sta-
tions which are for the most part sur-
rounded by the enemy.

He prophesies that special airplane ambulances will be built with proper accommodations and entrances for the wounded, especially for grave cases of injury to the head, chest, and abdomen. We suppose that the great extent of level area in the desert would make landing, forced or voluntary, more simple than in an ordinary hilly and mountainous country. Dr. Tuffier points out one obstacle to aviation in the Sahara Desert-that is the temperature, with the resulting atmospheric disturbances, which make it necessary for the pilot to keep five or six thousand feet in the air in the summer. The greatest drawback is the sirocco, that dry, hot wind of the desert which raises clouds of dust and makes landing so dangerous that flying is impossible about one day out of every four in the hot periods. Notwithstanding these drawbacks this airplane ambulance service is an accomplished fact.

F the complex problems which are being dealt with at Paris few are as delicate or important as those which concern the east coast of Asia. All the world knows of the complaints of China against Japan and her demands that Tsingtao be returned to her. All the world knows also of Japan's claims to the disputed territory and her protest against any impairment of formal treaty rights.

The sympathy of Americans, in so far as it finds expression through the press, seems to be preponderantly with China. The deep-seated suspicion of Japan which has developed in the past twelve or thirteen years has prejudiced many Americans against her, and has led them to believe that Japan is never to be trusted, least of all when she is dealing with China. Americans in China are overwhelmingly and bitterly anti-Japanese. Business men there see in Nipponese activities the closing of the open door and the stifling of legitimate competition; missionaries there have been antagonized by the Japanese exploitation of the great inchoate republic, notably in such unfortunate ways as the illicit morphine and opium traffic. Only occasionally is a voice raised publicly in defense of the island Empire. Americans have, too, a traditional sympathy with the under dog which at times approaches the quixotic, and China's helplessness and almost pathetic trust in the good intentions of the United States have been both touching and flattering.

Suspicions of Japanese activities in China are, moreover, not without some foundation. Japan holds Manchuria more tightly in her grip than in 1914. And now, since expelling the Germans, Japan has hastened to establish herself as firmly as possible in Tsingtao. If the Japanese succeed in retaining their present hold, the province and peninsula of Shantung, to which the port of Tsingtao, together with Kiaochau, is the key, may be as firmly gripped as Manchuria. With these two sections in their hands the Japanese would have North China at their mercy; and in view of their claims in Fukien and their expanding influence in the Yangtze Valley, the Japanese would seem to be moving toward dominance in the south. To peoples who have been passing through an inferno of struggle in resisting German aggression it is natural that Japanese policies in China should seem dangerous to the peace of the world and contrary to ideas of justice and liberty. The fact that the Chinese have borrowed recklessly of Japan during the past year or two, and have pledged as security important taxes and mining, railway, and timber rights, and thus have to some extent placed themselves under Japanese control, does

not make it any the less necessary to the future peace of the world that China should have a chance to work out her own salvation and that the Chinese liberals should be given all possible aid in making China a progressive and peaceful democracy.

Japan, however, should not be lightly condemned nor should her legitimate claims to industrial and commercial expansion be ignored. The situation which confronts her is not an enviable one. A rapidly growing population on islands where arable lands are limited, coal deposits are poor, and iron ore is almost nonexistent presents a problem which may well give sober statesmen sleepless nights. Add to this the prejudice which closes against this people most of the unoccupied sections of the world and which is jealous of the one remaining open door-that to the neighboring continent and the nation's plight becomes little short of desperate. The very life of Japan depends upon her ability to maintain free access to the raw materials and markets of China and the east of Asia. Her future is linked up inseparably with that of her huge neighbor, and it is simply common justice to see that no artificial obstacles shall be erected between her and the mainland.

There are, however, two ways in which Japan's interests on the continent can be secured political domination and peaceful commercial penetration. The first of these would lead her to continue in the road which she is now traveling. It would aim at a more or less complete control of Chinese finances, both public and private, exclusive concessions for the building of railways, the development of mines, and the erection of factories. It would be accompanied by preferential tariff rates, the control of the customs service, the predominance of Japanese "advisers," the mastery of important industrial and commercial concerns, and the direction of the army and navy. This programme is that of many Japanese, for they learned their diplomacy from the predatory policies of certain European governments in the last half of the nineteenth century. Japan's ancient feudal system prepared her for bureaucratic militarism. Japan's military class can count on the support of a large body of unintelligent but intensely chauvinistic public opinion.

This policy of ruthless domination would, however, mean sorrow for China, turmoil for the world, and ultimate disaster for Japan. It would stamp out the fine beginnings of democratic life which are even now apparent in the new Republic, and by example and necessity would force upon her a military organization. The Western world would scarcely be content to stand by and watch the absorption and exclusive exploitation of a fourth of the human race. Japan would in time

have to face the bitter animosity of the Chinese and the armed opposition of much of Christendom. In that case, her one hope of avoiding utter defeat and permanent ruin would be dissensions among Occidental Powers.

Japan's other hope of growth is the peaceful commercial penetration of eastern Asia. In this she has many natural advantages. Geographical proximity and kinship in culture give her an opportunity which far surpasses that of Occidental nations. Could she be sure that China would be friendly, that China would have a stable government, an expanding industry, and would be free from Western domination, she could also be sure of the lion's share of the commerce of that country and of business relations which would redound to the benefit of both peoples. This would be the ideal, for it would be based upon friendship and geowould be based upon friendship and geographical proximity, and would release Japan from the crushing load of a big army and navy. This is the course which many of her statesmen have avowed a desire to pursue. It probably represents in the main the programme of the soberer and more peaceful elements of the nation, and it is certainly the road which the nation must follow if it is to avoid the fate of Germany.

If, however, this, and not the road of force, is to be traveled, a number of things must be done, some of them by Japan, some by China, and some by the rest of the world.

In the first place, the Japanese must win the confidence and friendship of the Chinese. That they have not succeeded in doing. They have so far been confronted by the almost unanimous distrust and hate of their neighbors-an attitude which augurs ill for the future. Some sort of radical change must be wrought in Japan's foreign policy, one which will carry much further the attitude of conciliation represented in the withdrawal of the fifth group of demands in 1915. A necessary preliminary step would seem to be the voluntary return of Tsingtao to China, the cancellation of part or all of the concessions wrung from her in 1915, the strict repression of Japanese purveyors of morphine and all other predatory traders, and a hearty willingness to co-operate with the Powers in any joint attempt to rehabilitate China.

In the second place, China must establish as soon as possible a stable government which will insure her ability to maintain her independence against foreign aggres sion and her steady industrial and commercial progress. This many of her younger and abler leaders seem inclined to do, and if given time and wise assistance they will probably succeed.

In the third place, the Powers must as rapidly as possible give up their spheres

of influence and their special territorial, financial, and railway concessions. They must substitute for rivalry international co-operation and assistance to China until the progressive and more stable elements of that nation can get on their feet. With the enforced withdrawal of Germany and the collapse of Russia, this ought not to be the impossible task that it seemed six years ago. The proposal, made in several quarters, for an international financial group to provide and supervise the administration of such loans as China needs would seem to be very timely. This would simply be an expansion of the Knox idea of internationalizing the Manchurian railways and of the five-Power syndicate of 1912. Such an international body could supply China with what funds she needs, prevent special sinister interests and spheres of influence from developing, and provide the supervision and pressure which may be necessary to assist the better elements of the great Republic. The plan could not be realized without some friction, and it would necessitate the faithful adherence by the Powers to a self-denying ordinance. It would, moreover, be extremely distasteful to many patriotic Chinese, but it would be better than continued anarchy and possible partition.

In the achievement of such a constructive programme the United States must take a large part. She is the best source of the capital which China needs, and she has the confidence of the Chinese and a record for unselfish dealing which is, with a few exceptions, enviable. She has stood sponsor for the open-door policy and for most of the proposals for insuring China the opportunity to work out her own salvation. Through schools, churches, and hospitals American missionaries are helping to prepare leaders and pave the way for a more wholesome democratic national life.

If we are to play the part to which our past history and our present opportunities call us, however, we must be careful that there is no ground justly to suspect us of desiring what we profess the wish to keep others from doing. We must be sure that we ask for no special concessions in China and that special interests do not lead us to become simply another of the groups that are jockeying for advantage. Our merchants and investors have the right to some sort of assistance, but it should be only that which is directed to assuring for all Powers the advantages which we seek for ourselves. We must, finally, be patient and forbearing in our relations with Japan. We must appreciate to the full the situation in which that plucky nation finds herself, and, while we should countenance no acts of aggression, we must seek to understand her, to be free from the faults of which we accuse her, and by firmness, moderation, courtesy, and fair dealing help to insure conditions which will make

possible the victory of her moderates and liberals.

venture to say that he took more pleasure in his attempt "to make rightness tempting and interesting" to boys, as he phrased it, and more pride in seeing them

A FRIEND OF THE BOYS become, one after another, "self-respect ing, self-supporting, useful men and good

ABOUT a year ago The Outlook pub, citizens instead of dangerous crooks

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lished three true stories of boy life, written, as we said at the time, by "a man who really cares,' one who "knows the boy mind, the boy heart, and the boy language." This man was Arthur D. Chandler, whose death took place on April 19 last. The stories were the outcome of a friendly, unconventional effort

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than in anything else he did in his active and energetic career.

AMERICA'S FOREIGN

TRADE

balance. There is the factor of America's economic strength as at once a resource from which other countries can draw, and a danger to the economic independence of those same countries. And there is, finally, the ever-present and unfailing factor of the human element.

The presence of these varying factors makes the problem of America's foreign trade at this time peculiarly difficult and complex; at the same time the war has made that problem one which concerns every part of America. For this reason, two great conventions, one largely, the

to help boys to shake off the effect of A MEMBER of the staff of The other wholly, devoted to this problem,

wrong surroundings and the lack of an opportunity to live a wholesome, normal life. The idea was exactly in line with Arthur Chandler's character and personality. He combined the practical and the ideal in all he did and said. There was no particle of cant in him, no trace of the professional reformer. As a young man, he was an athlete, he always loved outdoors and outdoor sport, he talked unstilted, plain English with a dash of slang, he instinctively knew how boys felt and how they could be approached. When as a result of local school board work he became a trustee of the Jamesburg Home for Boys, an opportunity opened to him to humanize the relations between the officials and the boys. Like Judge Lindsey in Denver he found that the way to improve delinquent boys was to trust them. One who knew what he accomplished says rightly that this was "work requiring great delicacy in handling, keen insight, common sense, and human sympathy."

Mr. Chandler soon became impressed with the belief that between the period of detention and the return of the boy to ordinary life there should be a "clearinghouse" for boys who were in danger because they had no homes. His farm for boys at Allaire, in New Jersey, was the outcome of this thought. The stories published under the head "Boy Culture and Agriculture" showed convincingly how easily and thoroughly the boys responded to the effort. In a letter about Arthur Chandler written by Mr. C. G. Kidder to the New York "Evening Post" since his death Mr. Kidder says: "Only the other day two of these lads just released from military service, homeless, made straight for the farm.' Arriving, they found the master absent, in his last illness, and the farm closed. The boys sat down upon a fence-rail and cried."

Arthur Chandler had a long and useful business career; as advertising and business manager of The Outlook twenty-five years ago, in an important position with Harper & Brothers for many years, and in other work with periodicals and publishing houses he built up a high reputa tion for efficiency and integrity. But we

A Outlook in Paris not many weeks

Outlook in Paris not many weeks ago encountered by chance in a restaurant a fellow-American, a business man, representing manufacturers of farm machinery. This is the story told to this casual acquaintance. Like many other Americans engaged in commerce, the American business man was something of an idealist. He felt that it was America's duty to help put France upon her feet. He saw that France had been fighting America's battles for months before America took her own part, and now that the war had been won, leaving France terribly shattered and America more vigorous than ever, there was a moral obligation on the part of American business men to see France resuscitated. For his part, he wanted to see what he could do to start up French agriculture. There is a great deal of American farm machinery in France; a great deal of it is useless because parts are missing or broken. So this man undertook to bring over to France these missing parts so that the farmers could use their machinery again to start making crops. The money in it for his concern was very little. Indeed, there was no intention to make any profit on the transaction. But when this man undertook to bring these missing parts into France he encountered obstacles. He could not get an import permit. The reason given was twofold: first, the French Government was looking to the rehabilitation of French industry as well as French agriculture, and therefore wanted agricultural machinery to be made wanted agricultural machinery to be made in France; second, the French Government wanted to prevent any further increase of the so-called balance of trade against her, and therefore wished to discourage imports until France could get ready to export goods in exchange.

In that incident are involved some of the most vital factors in the problem of America's foreign trade following the war. There is that factor of American idealism which is quite as powerful an incentive as desire for profit. There is, too, the factor of French thrift, which is not purely of French thrift, which is not purely French by any means, and which at times is penny wise, pound foolish. There is the factor of a world finance that is out of

recently held in the Middle West, both representing interests Nation-wide in extent, are of special significance. One of these was the sixth National Foreign Trade Convention, held in Chicago April 24-26; the other was the seventh Annual Meeting of the Chamber of Commerce of the United States, held in St. Louis April 28 to May 1.

The Chamber of Commerce of the United States comprises in its membership more than a thousand Chambers of Commerce and trade organizations; while the Foreign Trade Convention gathered together two thousand delegates, consisting of corporation officers, managers, experts on foreign trade, bankers, and other representatives of the great industrial and commercial concerns engaged or interested in foreign trade.

The emphasis which Mr. George Ed. Smith, President of the American Manufacturers' Export Association and Chairman of the Foreign Trade sessions at the St. Louis Convention, laid upon the opportunity before American industries to heal the economic ravages of the war was characteristic of the attitude of the men considering these foreign trade problems at both Conventions. And not less characteristic was the willingness of these men to see that American industrial expansion through foreign trade must be directed consciously with a view, not merely to the interests of America, but also to the interests of other countries. "At this particular moment in world affairs," said Mr. Smith, "with the nations of the world endeavoring to repair the ravages of war and with the old landmarks of international commerce tottering, it would be the height of folly for us to develop our foreign trade without regard to the necessities of other countries.... We have a responsibility, not only to Europe, but to the whole world.... The fact that the proper discharge of this responsibility is also good business does not alter the responsibility in any respect." Similarly, the report of the General Convention Committee of the National Foreign Trade Council which called the meeting at Chicago included this statement: "The United States has

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