cence-let this device be branded upon his brow. The betrayer of Germany, let the Fatherland be his Nemesis. Let Germans purge themselves by lighting the fagots of his funeral-pyre. Not in the same class with him are spies and traitors and assassins. Accord to him none of the honors of war. Too good for him is a leper's colony. Too good for him a fen in which reptiles crawl and hiss. Unseal the fires of Etna and swathe him in its burning lava. In an eternal nightmare may his soul be tortured with the dying shrieks of the Lusitania. Language can coin for him.

no fitting epithet of odium. His baseness taxes even the vocabulary of the lost in which demons rail at Lucifer. If some new torture of torment cannot be invented, then sink him in a submarine, or shoot him from a hangman's noose into a murderer's hell.

Nor can we look a just God in the face if, in meting justice to His enemies, we fail to visit condign punishment upon the infamous Turk. It was the sin of our fathers that he was ever permitted to pollute the soil of Europe and to entrench himself behind the walls of Byzantium. But is it not significant that the same epoch that recorded the fall of Constantinople witnessed the discovery of America? It was God's new Land of Promise. The Sultan must go. The blood of the Armenian Christians-piled up in the hecatombs of a hundred massacres-is our warrant for action, drastic and immediate. Hear ye not the cry of blood? It calls to us and to heaven from the battlements of an ancient Ararat. It calls to us in the wail of aged saints and in the moan of helpless babes, cradled in the very lap of martyrdom.

O, the pity of it all. Does the vengeance of Jehovah sleep? The wrongs of this people must be righted, else a stigma will rest upon the banners of Christendom. Nor let us profane the name of the Nazarene by permitting this infidel to infest the soil of the Holy Land. Henceforth let Palestine be sacred to the pathos and to the passion of Jesus, peopled only by those who love the man of Galilee. Twins in infamy-the Kaiser and the Sultan. Let them be forever accursed. Driven into outer darkness, let them

fraternize with Judas and with Cain. But even hell may spew them back. In pronouncing judgment upon the twain, let us invoke the spirit of "The Battle Hymn of the Republic":

"Mine eyes have seen the coming of the glory of the Lord

He is trampling out the vintage where the grapes of wrath are stored He hath loosed the fateful lightnings of his terrible, swift sword, His Truth is marching on."

WHERE DOES GEORGIA STAND?

[Annual Address of the President, before the Georgia Historical Association, in the Senate Chamber, at the State Capitol, April 6, 1918.]

I congratulate you on this auspicious assembling. It is a happy omen for our association that it completes today its first year of existence; today, when the country, in a blaze of enthusiasm, is raising its third liberty loan. The months behind us have been crowded with momentous events; these, too, of a history-making character, unparalleled in all time. We are living at a moment in human affairs, the only adjective to describe which is crucial; at a moment, when the future of the race is to be fixed for generations, and when days have become the molds of centuries.

One year ago today, in response to an emergent call, we entered the lists. It was in the wake of our country's declaration of war with the imperial German Government that we came into being; and, on this anniversary, it is pleasing to reflect that we signalized our readiness for service in a telegram to the President of the United States. We tendered to him our loyal allegiance. We gave to him our solemn pledge of unswerving support. From this high ground we have not receded. Nor do we intend to retire.

while the conflict is on. If we shift our position one iota, it will be to advance with the colors.

Let us today send him another telegram-to help him interpret Georgia sentiment!

It is meet that the Senate chamber of Georgia should be the theater of our deliberations. We are of Georgia and we are for Georgia. But here, in this august chamber, surrounded by these silent witnesses, let us forget state lines and local horizons. Let us forget all save the flag; and catching anew the spirit of seventy-six, let us reaffirm our patriotic devotion to the land of our fathers.

We are in the midst of war. It is already at our doors, -relentless, real, bloody war; a war which, sooner or later, will reach to every hearthstone and leave its crimson mark upon every lintel. It is not a time for divided counsels, for hesitating speech, for an accent in debate which any mortal man can misinterpret; for, "If the trumpet give forth an uncertain sound who shall prepare himself for the battle?" It is time for unànimity of action, bold, resolute and intrepid. It is time for all patriots to unite. It is time for all America to have one mind and one voice-to think in lightning and to speak in thunder!

Events are thickening fast. One does not need to put his ear to the ground to catch the gutterals of the coming storm. It will sweep over Georgia from the Blue Ridge to the ocean; and, when its fury is spent, there will not be a child in America who will need to ask: where does Georgia stand?

She stands

She stands where Woodrow Wilson stands. where all true patriots must stand. She is in this fight for human liberty-three millions strong. She gives to it not only her brave sons but her noble daughters; and these, at a thousand door-steps in Georgia, have repeated the old story of sixty-one and said to the boys in uniform: "Our prayers, our sacrifices, our loves, are all for you. Fight, as did your Confederate sires, though, too, like them, you be enhungered, foot-sore and weary, far from home. Endure the fatigues of the march and the privations of

the camp and the dangers of the battle; but fight on, till the Kaiser is beaten to his knees, and "God be with you till we meet again."

Born amid the convulsions of battle, our association has been unflinchingly, uncompromisingly, steadfastly true to the fine impulse of patriotism in which its cradle was rocked. It was the child of war. Its very earliest breath was drawn in an atmosphere of preparation, warmed by heroic ardor, enlivened by martial drum-beats, and consecrated by Christian prayers. With such a bias, we could not be indifferent to the course of legislation, at the capitol in Washington. We could not look with unconcern upon our President, hampered in his wise policies and thwarted in his righteous purposes, by men, who, differing with him when there was season for debate, ought to have been solidly behind him when the die was cast.

In July last, following the lead of the national organization, which enjoined this duty upon us, we addressed a letter to our Senators and Representatives in Washington, urging them in this hour of crisis to stand by the President. That letter evoked a protest from certain quarters; but it bore salutary fruit. We feel no regrets and we offer no apologies for having penned that letter. It touched a responsive chord at every fireside in Georgia, and it woke an echo "which sleepeth not among the hills."

It is not our wish to enter politics; to take sides in any mere contest between individuals. God forbid. We shall heed no summons to partisan strife, but we shall answer like patriots, every call to patriotism. It is the duty of a State Historical society, while conserving the materials of the past, to look with forward vision to the future, and to relate itself vitally to the present. We are not mere lookers-on in Vienna. We are neither invertebrates nor fossils. We are not skeletons, strung with wire, to rattle in a museum of dry bones. We are not hirelings or slaves, to stand in awe of any master's whip. We are not mere

pens or puppets, but men of independent minds, Georgians true, and Americans all.

If this association does nothing else, let it put the country and the world on notice that it is not from a race of slackers that we Georgians have sprung; that our forbears have not begotten us in cowardice, "to crook the pregnant hinges of the knee that thrift may follow fawning." The Georgia of 1776, the Georgia of 1812, the Georgia of 1845, the Georgia of 1861, is the Georgia of today. In this crisis of affairs, Georgia stands where she has always stood, in the hour of battle with her flag unfurled and with her face to the foe.

Criticism cannot be escaped. It is the tribute which weakness pays to strength. Even the Nazarene felt its sting encountered it from Scribes and Pharisees. So long as we remain alert and alive, we must expect it, we must welcome it; but criticism need not be feared, when an honest purpose to serve the state has extracted its fangs, and when an awakened public sentiment has built a wall of beating hearts around us. It is the duty of every patriotic society in the land-north, south, east and west-to attune its deliberations to the national anthem, to keep watch in the tower, and to feed the fires of patriotism upon liberty's altar.

I speak for Georgians, living and dead; for those whose hearts are beating high in the transports of this rapturous hour, and for those-unseen but felt among us-whose disembodied spirits still tread their native airs. I speak for every throbbing breast and for every heaving mound, from the sea to the cedars, when I say that-come what may and protest who will-the old Empire State of the South is unitedly for the flag; is solidly behind our boys in the trenches of France; and is eternally pledged, at every mother's knee, to uphold the arms of that great man in the White House, that Georgian whom all Georgians love, that pilot of the dawn to whom the world's democracy