presented nearly 6d. a-day to the wife, | vour which was now made to give, as with a further allowance for the children; far as possible, satisfaction to these men but, in addition, they got free quarters and their families. There was one point and half-rations. They saw, therefore, in connection with the Reserve Force on that where it was the custom to sepa- which he should like to have some inforrate wives from their husbands, ade- mation from his right hon. and gallant quate provision was made for the former. Friend. When this subject was under disBut there the Reserve Forces were an cussion before, a question arose as to what entirely new institution. See what would be the probable future strength of Continental nations had done. When, the Force, and the then Secretary of State during the late war, they began to call for War, now Lord Cranbrook, said that out men-not only of the age of 20, but an expectation had been raised_which of seven, eight, and nine-and-twenty- was not likely to be realized. He unthey made sometimes elaborate distinc- derstood his noble Friend to have stated tions. They first took the bachelors for that in 1883 it was anticipated that the the Army, leaving the married men at Reserve Force would amount to 80,000 home; they next called out the married men, but that he did not think it would men who had no children; and then number more than 40,000. Some hon. they took the men who had only one Members understood him to have said child. They in this country now saw the 60,000; and he was desirous that any necessity for making these distinctions. figures which his right hon. and gallant For the first time they were brought face Friend might have in his possession to face with the fact, that there was a should be given to the Committee in large number of soldiers' wives for order that they might be in a position to whom the nation ought to provide an judge as to the probable future success of adequate allowance. What could be this Force. more cruel than to send soldiers abroad to fight the battles of the country, and leave their wives at home to starve, or very nearly so? In some instances they were worse off than if they had no allowance at all, because the Unions actually made it a ground for refusing to do anything for them. He would remind the Committee that it was rather different with the Reserves in this respect than with the Army. It had never been the policy of the authorities to discourage marriage in the Reserve Forces. On the contrary, the policy had been, as regarded them, to interfere as little as possible with the ordinary population laws of the Kingdom; and, therefore, when a national emergency arose, and the men were called out, it was somewhat hard and unfair that their wives and children should not be properly cared for.

LORD ELCHO said, it must be admitted that his hon. and gallant Friend who had just sat down had done his best to procure for the Reserve men and their families the best possible terms. He thought his hon. and gallant Friend had done wisely in this, because no money could, in his opinion, be better spent than that which was devoted to popularizing the Reserve Forces. The whole success of the movement in the future would depend upon the endea

COLONEL ARBUTHNOT said, he entirely agreed with the noble Lord as to the desirability of popularizing, in every possible way, the Reserve Force. His object in rising was, however, to say a word or two with respect to the subject of the question which he had put to the Secretary of State for War in the earlier part of the Sitting. He should say that the right hon. and gallant Gentleman's answer was entirely satisfactory to him. It would be satisfactory, too, to the men of the Reserve to know that the just claims and expectations of those who had entered under certain conditions would be fulfilled to the letter. But the suggestion which he had made raised a point which, he was rather afraid from the tenour of the right hon. and gallant Gentleman's answer, was likely to be overlooked. It was, that all the men who behaved themselves well while with the Colours, should be allowed to count their Reserve service towards good conduct pay as well as towards pension. It would only be possible for those men during their six years' service to obtain one more good conduct badge, so that it would only be a question of adding 1d. a-day to their pay, while it would operate as an inducement to men to join the Reserves, and to conduct themselves well while with the Colours during their first six years of service,

1479

COLONEL STANLEY said, that before, he proceeded to reply to the points which had been raised, it might be satisfactory to the Committee to know what had been the result of the organization of the Army Reserve Force. The strength of that Force on the 1st of April was Of those, 13,677 had re14,154 men. ported themselves for mobilization, leaving only 477 men who had failed to report themselves. But that was not all. Of those 477 absentees, 132 were accounted for in various ways, leaving only 345 bona fide absentees, or less than 2 per cent on the whole. A good many of those had, however, since turned up, and were even now dropping in. He thought that after the gloomy forebodings which one heard some two years ago, it was only right to give all due credit to Viscount Cardwell, who had instituted the system of Army Reserves. It was a bold experiment; but the success which had attended it had fully justified the confidence of those who were responsible for proposing it. Of course, in connection with the calling out of the Reserves, various questions had arisen; and, undoubtedly, the case of the families of those men was one of considerable difficulty. But he must ask the Committee, in considering this question, to draw a distinction-and it -between cases was a very necessary oneof hardship and cases of destitution; because many cases of reported destitution, when they came to be investigated, turned out to be cases of hardship rather than of actual want. Of the latter, there were very few instances, but there were, undoubtedly, some cases of hardship-as, for example, when a man was called out to serve who was in the receipt of good wages; and who, although he might be able to leave his wife a certain amount for her support, yet could not give her that assistance to which she had been accustomed. But, painful as such cases were, and much inconvenience as was thus created, it must be borne in mind by those who were anxious that liberal allowances should be made to the families of our Reserve men, that it should not be taken for granted that they would have to be made only for a period of one, or two, or three months, but that the necessity of continuing them for a considerably longer period would have to be taken into account. There was another point which

། །ར་

lose sight of. He regretted to have to
use what might seem hard words; but
if the allowances were unduly increased,
a tendency would be likely to be en-
couraged, on the part of those who re-
ceived them, to avoid seeking employ-
ment, or in any way endeavouring to
support themselves. He was not speak-
ing without book, for he knew some
cases in which charitable funds had been
expended in relieving the widows of
men who had fallen in action, with the
result that the mere fact of those women
having been in the receipt of sums more
than sufficient for their support had not
conduced to either their social or moral
improvement. He had, he might add,
consulted his noble Friend (Lord Eustace
Cecil) and his hon. and gallant Friend
who sat near him (Colonel Loyd Lind-
say) on the subject, and they had in-
formed him that they had heard of no
complaints of hardships officially from
the persons actually concerned. There
had been cases raised by individual
members of Boards of Guardians, and he
himself had had two instances of consider-
able inconvenience and hardship brought
to his notice; but these were only isolated
The scale of
cases, by which the general principle in-
volved was not affected.
allowances to the wives and families of
Reserve men had, he believed, been
wisely and not expensively fixed in the
first instance; but, as the Committee
were already aware, directions had been
issued from the War Office that pay-
ments should be made in advance, and
another step had also been taken which,
in his opinion, was a perfectly legitimate
one, and which would have a considerable
effect in giving indirect relief to those
families. They had been placed on the
same footing as the families of soldiers,
and thereby had conferred upon their
children the benefits of a free education
where there were Army schools, there
being a Warrant under which they ob-
tained for those children the payment
That would be a
one which
of the school fees.
material assistance, and
would, perhaps, meet the greatest change
which had occurred since the Reserve
men had entered into their present en-
gagements with the Government. He
did not wish to press the question of
contract unduly; but it should not be
forgotten that those men knew perfectly
well what it was they would be entitled
to receive, so that if they did not wish
employment that was a matter

for which the Government could not their previous service in the Army, tofairly be held to be responsible. He gether with their service in the Army had been asked why a reduction had Reserve, towards good-conduct pay and not been made in the Vote? That was pension. By that means good faith a matter which he had considered; but would be kept with the men, and the he had not deemed it desirable that it justice of the case would, he believed, should be reduced. There was, he be substantially met. He had been hoped, at all events, a possibility that asked if he could furnish the Committee only a certain portion of the Army Re- with any data to show why the number serve Vote would be required before of the Army Reserve did not come up to the end of the financial year. But, that which was originally expected? whether that turned out to be so or He was afraid he did not possess any not, in view of the possibility - he such data in a form in which they could might almost say the certainty- of be laid on the Table of the House; but having to apply for another Vote for those which had been left him by his those men before they could serve with noble Friend and Predecessor went to the Army, he did not think that any show that, in the first instance, sufficient practical benefit was to be obtained from allowance had not been made for deserrestoring money on the one hand, while tions, for the fact that the system of an additional amount would have to be short service tended a good deal in that voted on the other. Considerations of direction, or for the number of men who general convenience had induced him to purchased their discharge. These were come to the conclusion that the Vote the causes which had been in operation, should be allowed to stand as it was and, so far as he could gather, the originally proposed, and any money result would be that the number of which might be left unexpended would, the Reserve should be fixed at 60,000 inof course, be surrendered at the close of stead of 80,000, which was the number the financial year. He had been asked originally stated. He gave that calcua question with regard to good-conduct lation for what it was worth; but it pay, and he had to say, in reply, that would, he believed, be found to be subprior to 1874 the men belonging to stantially correct. Section A of the Army Reserve were entitled to reckon all their previous service, both in the Army and the Reserve, towards good-conduct pay, as well as a pension. In February of that year, however, Viscount Cardwell came to the conclusion that there was no good reason why good-conduct pay should continue when the men were called out for service, and a Warrant was issued which cancelled the Memorandum which previously existed. Unfortunately, there was a printed Paper, on which the men were supposed to rely, promising the continuance of the advantages which they had enjoyed, and he need not say that a few days after they were called out attention was invited to the grievance of which he was speaking; and, acting on the principle that faith must be kept with them, a General Order had been issued, and further modifications were either about to be made, or were actually made at the present moment, in accordance with which the men in Section A would be able to reckon all their previous service in the Army as well as in the Reserve towards good-at conduct pay. The men in Sections B and C would be allowed to reckon all

COLONEL ALEXANDER reminded the right hon. and gallant Gentleman, that he had forgotten to answer his question with reference to the medical examinations.

COLONEL STANLEY believed that measures would shortly be taken to make the medical examination periodical, as well as more stringent. Every attention would be paid to that point.

MR. PARNELL said, he had not asked why the Vote had not been reduced, but why it had been very largely increased? At present the Reserves were on another Vote, and he felt perfectly convinced that not more than £100,000 need be spent upon the Army Reserve, although the Committee were called upon to vote a sum of £185,000. Under these circumstances, he must press for the reduction of the Vote.

Question put, and negatived.

Original Question put, and agreed to.
House resumed.

Two of the clock;
Resolutions to be reported To-morrow,

Committee to sit again To-morrow.

MEDICAL ACT (1858) AMENDMENT (No. 2) BILL-[BILL 196.]

(Mr. Arthur Mills, Mr. Childers, Mr. Goldney.)

SECOND READING.

therefore he would move that the Chairman should now leave the Chair.

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the Chairman do now leave the Chair."-(Mr. Isaac.)

Order for Second Reading read. MR. J. LOWTHER observed, that MR. A. MILLS, in moving that the the Bill passed the second reading by a Bill be now read a second time, said, narrow majority of only two votes. He its object was to provide for a conjoint himself had taken part in the discussion scheme of examinations, making uni- on the second reading, in the same capaform the test of admission to the Pro-city in which he now appeared—namely, fession in the three Kingdoms, and providing for the direct representation of the Profession in the Medical Council. The measure contained provisions in regard to the double qualification of medical and surgical practitioners, and further provisions as to the registration of Colonial practitioners.

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the Bill be now read a second time."-(Mr. A. Mills.)

as a private individual, and not as in any respect representing the Government. On the former occasion he stated that the subject of race meetings within the Metropolitan district was about to be brought under the notice of the Jockey Club. To make sure that that course would be adopted, he himself took the earliest opportunity of laying the matter At that meeting, a before the Club. resolution was passed to the effect that the stewards should be requested to SIR CHARLES W. DILKE did not take steps to oppose the Bill. The think the House ought to go on with question was mooted at the meeting the Bill at so late an hour of the night. as to whether a Petition against the Bill Hon. Members were aware that a large should be adopted; but as some of the and important Government measure on members of the Jockey Club were perthis subject had been printed in "an-sons who occupied high positions in the other place." The subject was very intricate, and this Bill appeared to be a very long one. Under the circumstances, he begged to move that the debate be now adjourned.

MR. DILLWYN seconded the Motion. Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the Debate be now adjourned."(Sir Charles W. Dilke.)

MR. A. MILLS said, he had no objection whatever to the adjournment of the debate, and he would put off the second reading till Wednesday next.

Motion agreed to.

Debate adjourned till Wednesday next.

RACECOURSES (LICENSING) BILL. (Mr. Anderson, Sir Thomas Chambers, Sir James Lawrence.)

[BILL 76.] COMMITTEE.

Order for Committee read.
Bill considered in Committee.

(In the Committee.)

Clause 1 (Definitions).

MB. ISAAC said, he thought it was too late to go on with the Bill, and

political world-one steward being the noble Lord the Leader of the Opposition, and another steward being also a Member of the House of Commons-it was thought that it would be more decorous to leave the matter in the hands of the stewards. The noble Lord undertook at that meeting to oppose this Bill, and his hon. Friend the Member for North Lincolnshire (Sir John Astley), at that time a steward, also undertook to adopt a similar course. The Jockey Club were not content with merely opposing this Bill; but, on a subsequent occasion, their attention was again drawn to the subject. He was not himself present at the meeting; but it appeared, from the records of the proceedings, that an assurance was given on that occasion that the Jockey Club would take cognizance of abuses which were brought to their knowledge with reference to race meetings. The complaints to which the hon. Member who introduced the Bill referred, had not been submitted to the Jockey Club in a tangible form. If, instead of being communicated anonymously or otherwise to the newspapers, they were brought before the Club, notice would be taken of them. The

the House, he abstained from supporting it in consequence of the assurance of his right hon. Friend that the Jockey Club had the power, and that they were prepared to deal with this particular question. Since that discussion took place, the matter had been under the consideration of the Jockey Club, and one hon. Member belonging to that Club had since withdrawn his opposition to this Bill, and had stated that the Jockey Club would not do what they were thought to be able to do. Under these circumstances, he thought the Committee would see that it was placed in a position very different to that which it occupied when his right hon. Friend last opposed the measure. On that occasion his right hon. Friend had induced him not to vote against it by stating that there was another remedy for the evil complained of. That remedy had failed, the nuisance of these race meetings in the neighbourhood of the Metropolis was as great as ever, and he thought the House should itself take some step, instead of leaving the matter to a body which was wholly inadequate to deal with it.

magistrates, at the present moment, had considerable power with regard to the licensing of refreshment booths. By declining to grant occasional licences, disturbances and nuisances could be put down by the magistrates. Other evils could be dealt with by the Jockey Club. It was sometimes said that the Jockey Club had no absolute power over these race meetings. He ventured to say, however, that it had complete power. If the publication of the programme of a meeting in the official Calendar were prevented by the Jockey Club, the meeting would ipso facto come to an end. As a body existed which possessed this power, and had signified its intention of exercising it with a view to checking abuses at race meetings, he hoped the Committee would hesitate before it took jurisdiction from that body and put it in hands which, in his judgment, were unfit to exercise it. It would be impossible to confine the operation of the principle established by this Bill to the narrow limits proposed by the hon. Member for Glasgow (Mr. Anderson). How would it be possible, for example, to limit its operation to the Metropolis, and not to extend it to Provincial towns? He thought it would be most unwise for the Committee to adopt this measure, and he believed it SIR H. DRUMMOND WOLFF would best suit the convenience of hon. thought that if this Bill were so exMembers to take the sense of the Com-tremely desirable, it ought to have been mittee on the Question, "That the Chairman do now leave the Chair ?" This was what was called an "" 'open question ;" and whichever way the matter was determined, the existence of Her Majesty's Government would not be affected. On the previous occasion, Members on both sides of the House voted in accordance with their individual views, and he felt sure they would do so now.

SIR HENRY SELWIN-IBBETSON said, this question occupied for some time the attention of the Office to which he lately belonged. Whilst he was at the Home Office, numerous complaints were received from the Metropolitan Police Force as to these race meetings. Indeed, the complaints were of so grave a character that it was seriously considered whether a Bill ought not to be brought in by the Government to do very much what the hon. Member for Glasgow (Mr. | Anderson) proposed to do by this Bill. When this measure came on before in

MR. ANDERSON had nothing to say in addition to what had fallen from the Financial Secretary to the Treasury.

introduced by the Government. The definition of races in the Bill was of the widest possible character. He scarcely thought the Committee could pass a definition of this kind merely on the responsibility of a private Member. He hoped his hon. Friend would persist in the Motion that the Chairman should leave the Chair. This was a Bill of a most tyrannical character, and, if introduced at all, it ought to have been brought forward on the responsibility of Her Majesty's Government.

MR. J. LOWTHER desired to correct his hon. Friend (Sir Henry SelwinIbbetson) in one point. His hon. Friend, who had, of course, as much right to his opinion as he (Mr. J. Lowther) had to his, and with whom he cheerfully could agree to differ, said an assurance was given on the last occasion when this question was under discussion that the Jockey Club would do something. He was one of those who gave that assurance, and he wished to inform the Com