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I been more thoroughly disappointed, as to the probable course of discussion upon any point than I have been upon this. That our Ministers, or Commissioners, or Deputies, or whatever else they may be called, shall be fully empowered to enter into an agreement (in whatever form gentlemen may please)-first, that the United States, upon the happening of the casus fœderis, the interference of any of the Powers of Europe, in the struggle between Spain and her revolted Colonies, shall make common cause with the latter in repelling such interference; and, secondly, that we shall resist, either jointly or separately, all attempts on the part of any European Power to establish new Colonies in this hemisphere, are matters so precisely enumerated, and so clearly concurred in by all parties, that I did not imagine either that the views of our Government, or those of the Spanish American States, in regard to them, could be misunderstood by any honorable gentleman. Judge then of my surprize, to hear it denied from all quarters that such views are entertained by the Executive-to hear it announced, that if there were grounds to believe that any such agreement was contemplated, there would be perfect unanimity in the Senate in check. ing, in its birth, a design so adverse to the interests of this country. A state of things so unexpected, necessarily changes the course of discussion from an attempt to prove the impolicy of the contemplated measure, to the establishment of the position that such, in reality, are the views of the Executive. From the year 1818 to 1823, a sort of rivalship existed in this country, between the President, (Mr. MONROE) and a quasi opposition to his administration, on the subject of Spanish American affairs. On the one hand, the boldest steps were taken to impel the administration to the recog nition of the independence of Spanish America, accompanied by unreserved censures on the imputed reluctance and timidity of the Government. This spirit was combatted, on the part of the administration, by ascribing their conduct to a prudent and circumspect policy, designed to effect the greatest good with the least possible hazard. Time will not permit the enumeration of the various acts of the contending parties on the political arena in reference to this matter: suffice it to say, that, in 1823, Mr. MONROE determined to crown the measures of the Government upon this subject, by adopting a course in relation to it, to which, while it rendered efficient service to the Spanish American cause, could not fail to secure to his administration the reputation of being its greatest patron. In pursuance of this policy he, in his Message of December, 1823, among other things, said " We owe "it, therefore, to candor, and to the amicable relations subsisting "between the United States and those Powers [the Powers of Europe] to declare that we should consider any attempt on their "part to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere, as dangerous to our peace and safety. With the existing Colonies

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or dependencies of any European Powers, we have not interfered, "and shall not interfere. But with the Governments who have "declared their Independence, and maintained it, and whose "independence we have on great consideration and on just prin"ciples acknowledged, we could not view any interposition, for "the purpose of oppressing them, or controlling, in any manner, *their destiny, by any European Power, in any other light than as "the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition towards the United "States, in the war between those New Governments and Spain. "We declared our neutrality at the time of their recognition; "and to this we have adhered, and shall continue to adhere, pro"vided no change shall occur which, in the judgment of the competent authorities of the Government, shall make a correspond"ing change on the part of the United States, indispensable to "their security." And further, in the discussion with Russia relative to the Northwestern coast of this continent, the occasion was embraced, "for asserting, as a principle, in which the rights "and interests of the United States were involved, that the Am"erican continents, by the free and independent position which they had assumed and maintained, were thenceforward not to "be considered as subjects for future colonization by any European "Power."

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The character and effect which has been given, or attempted to be given, to these declarations, is full of instruction as to the probable consequences of similar acts at this day. To say here that they did not pledge the United States to any course, would be superfluous. There are few who require to be informed that no declaration of the Executive could have that effect. But he had no such intention. He asserted (if you please) correct principles, but left us at liberty to act, or not, in enforcing them, as our interest or our policy might at the moment require: a question to be decided like all similar questions, by determining whether, under all circumstances, it will best promote the honor and interest of the Country to act or stand still. But how strangely have these declarations been distorted not only by others, but our public functionaries themselves. In a letter from the Secretary of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Colombia, to the Envoy of the Republic of Buenos Ayres, of the 6th of March last, announcing the assent of the Republic of Peru, to the proposition of the General Assembly of the American States at Panama, and requesting the concurrence of the Government of Buenos Ayres, it is stated that among the objects of the Congress will be "to take into consideration the means to give effect to the declaration of the President of the "United States of America, in his Message to the Congress last year, concerning the means to prostrate any ulterior design of "colonization upon this continent, by the Powers of Europe, and "resist all interference in our domestic concerns."

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In the letter of invitation from the Mexican Minister, Mr. Obregon, of the 25th of November last, he says the "Government of "the subscriber, never supposed nor desired that the United States "would take part in the Congress about to be held, in other mat"ters than those which, from their nature and importance, the "late administration pointed out as being of general interest to the continent, for which reason, one of the subjects which will occupy "the attention of the Congress, will be the resistance or opposition "to the interferen e of any neutral nation in the question and war of "independence between the new Powers of the continent and Spain. "The Government of the undersigned apprehends that, as the Pow"ers of America are of accord as to resistance, it behoves them to "discuss the means of giving to that resistance all possible force, "that the evil may be met if it cannot be avoided; and the only "means of accomplishing this object is by a previous concert as to "the mode in which each of them shall lend its co-operation," &c. "The opposition to colonization is in the like predicament with "the foregoing."

Having thus specified the objects of deliberation, he invites our Government to send "Representatives" to the Congress of Panama, with authorities as aforesaid, and with express instructions upon the two principal questions.

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Mr. Salazar, the Colombian minister, in his letter of invitation of the 2d November last, thus expresses himself upon the topics referred to "The manner in which all colonization of European "Powers, on the American continent, shall be resisted, and their "interference in the present contest between Spain and her former colo"nies prevented, are other points of great interest. Were it proper, an eventual alliance, in case these events should occur, which "is within the range of possibilities, and the treaty, of which no "use should be made until the casus fœderis should happen, to re"main secret; or, if this should seem premature, a convention so anticipated would be different means to secure the same end, of "preventing foreign influence. This is a matter of immediate "utility to the American States that are at war with Spain, and is "in accordance with the repeated declarations of the Cabinet of "Washington."

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Mr. Canas, the Minister of the Republic of Central America, says, that, "as Europe has formed a Continental system, and held

* "Most of the new American Republics have declared their entire assent "to them, and they now propose, among the subjects of consultation at "Panama, to take into consideration the means of making effectual the as"sertion of that principle, (resistance to European colonization,) as well as "the means of resisting interference from abroad with the domestic concerns of "the American Government." President's message to the House of Representatives.

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"a Congress whenever questions affecting its interests were to be "discussed, America should have a system for itself, and assem"ble, by its Representatives in Cortes, when circumstances of ne"cessity and great importance should demand it."

The views entertained by those Governments,as to the condition of the United States, in relation to its obligation to resist any attempts on the part of Europe upon the two subjects referred to, appears still more clearly from the fact, stated by our Secretary of State. (Mr. Clay,) that when, in the course of the last summer, an invasion of the Island of Cuba was apprehended, from the appearance of a French fleet in our waters, we were promptly called on, by the Government of Mexico, to fulfil the alleged pledge of Mr. Monroe, in his message of December, 1823. Such are the views and expectations of the Spanish American States, in inviting us to the Congress of Panama.

Permit me now to show how far these extravagant pretensions have been encouraged, countenanced, and recognized, by our own Government. I confess, sir, that I approach this part of the subject with regret and disappointment. If I know my heart, it harbors no inclination to view either this or any measure of the Government, with any other feelings than those of liberality and indulgence. But, if there be here no cause for censure, I am under the influence of the grossest delusion.

I have before had occasion to allude to the correspondence of Mr. Poinsett, our Minister at Mexico. The discretion of this gentleman is well known, and it is difficult, if not impossible, to conceive, that he would commit the honor and interest of his country, upon a point of great delicacy and importance, unless authorized by the letter of his instructions. The communications from the Executive contain no intimation of his having transcended his instructions; and the striking coincidence between his declarations, and those of the Secretary of State, leaves little ground to think that he has done so. In his letter to Mr. Clay, of the 28th of September last, speaking of his discussions with the plenipotentiaries of the Mexican Government, upon the subject of the Commercial Treaty, then under negotiation, he says: To these observations, "I replied that, against the power of Spain, they had given suffi"cient proof that they required no assistance, and the United "States had PLEDGED THEMSELVES not to permit any other Power "to interfere, either with their independence, or form of Govern"ment; and that, as, in the event of such an attempt being made by the Powers of Europe, we would be compelled to take the most "active and efficient part, and to bear the brunt of the contest, it was "not just that we should be placed on a less favorable footing than "the other Republics of America, whose existence we were ready "to support at such hazards."

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The language of the Secretary coincides with that of Mr. Poinsett. In his letter to the latter, of the 9th November, he thus expresses himself: "No longer than about three months ago, when an "invasion by France of the island of Cuba was believed at Mexico, "the United Mexican Government promptly called upon the Go"vernment of the United States, through you, to fulfil the memo"rable pledge of the President of the United States in his message "to Congress of December, 1823. What they would have done, "had the contingency happened, may be inferred from a des"patch to the American Minister at Paris, a copy of which is here"with sent-which you are at liberty to read to the Plenipotentia"ries of the United Mexican States."

Mr. President-Consider, for a moment, the entire coincidence between the language expressed abroad by Mr.Poinsett, our minister, and at home by Mr. Clay, the responsible organ of the Government, and if you do not concur with me in thinking it amounts to a recognition of a pledge on the part of the Government, of the character claimed by the Spanish American States, and an avowal of our readiness to redeem it, I will hereafter distrust the clearest deductions of my understanding. Had the opinion of the Executive been different, the language of our Government, instead of declaring what we would have done, had the contingency happened," would have been, what it ought to have been, an explicit disavowal of all obligation on the part of the United States to take any other part in any state of things, than that which the interests of the country might be supposed to require. But if a doubt could exist as to the views of the Executive, it would be dispelled by a reference to the invitations and letters of acceptances, especially when connected with the subjects referred to. In the letters of invitation, the Mexican and Colombian Ministers, specify the subjects which, in their

view, are of " general interest to the Continent, viz-resist ance to European interference-and colonization-and request that our Ministers should have express instructions upon these two "principal questions." Our Government, without questioning the specification, thus made at their instance, in the letters of acceptance, say, that our Commissioners to the Congress of Panama will be fully empowered and instructed upon all questions likely to arise in the Congress, on subjects which the Nations of America have a common interest. What those subjects are, had been stated by the parties inviting, with express reference to our explanations, and unequivocally assented to by us. The President, in his

*The views here taken, are, it is contended, confirmed by the last Message of the President to the House of Representatives. The expressions of Mr. Poinsett were referred to in support of the following declaration of the Mexican Minister, contained in his note of invitation: "The Government of the under"signed apprehends that, as thePowers ofAmerica are of accord as to resistance,

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