freedom. It appears to me, (with deference to the high source from whence this suggestion proceeds,) that, from all we know of the great brdy of the people, nothing could have a greater tendency to defeat the objects of the Congress, and to endanger, if not destroy, the present order of things in Spanish America, than the promulgation of the idea that any change or modification in the religious establishment of the country, was, in any way, to be effected or accelerated at that assembly. If we send deputies there with any such views, however restricted in their powers, their arrival will be regarded as a calamity. The Committee have spoken with great truth of the public opinion in this country on the subject of interference, direct or indirect, with the internal concerns of other States, and especially of that most delicate of all subjects-the religion of its inhabitants. On a reference to the treaties between the confederate States, it will be seen that the views expressed are in strict conformity with theirs. It will be seen that, on this subject, they were not willing to trust to construction, but inserted express stipulations, against any interference with the internal concerns of the respective States.

[Mr. VAN BUREN said, that he had thus far discussed the subject without reference to the question, how far the adoption of the measures proposed would conflict with our neutral obligation, and thus conduce to a war with Spain. He then proceeded to the discussion of that branch of the subject; declaring, at the same time, that it had been so fully and so ably discussed by the gentleman from South Carolina, (Mr. HAYNE,) from New Hampshire, (Mr. WOODBURY,) and from Tennessee, (Mr. WHITE,) that he despaired of be-ing able to do more than repeat objections which had already been urged with so much eloquence and ability. The remarks he made are not published. He then continued]-I will now, Mr. President, call the attention of the Senate to another view of this subject, to a question of the gravest character, and most deeply affecting the dearest interests of the country-a question growing out of considerations which have heretofore occupied the best minds, and interested the purest hearts our country has produced :

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BE WISE IN US TO CHANGE OUR ESTABLISHED POLICY UPON THE

68 SUBJECT OF POLITICAL CONNECTIONS WITH FOREIGN STATES;" The President has said, that," to form alliances," is not among the motives of our attendance at the Congress. But what description of alliance does he mean? They are of various kinds, and of different extent. We are, at that Congress, to stipulate in some form, (and I care not in what,) that we will resist any attempt at colonization by the Powers of Europe in this hemisphere, (or within our own borders if you please,) and that, in the event of any interference on their part, in the struggle between Spain and the Spanish American States, we will make common cause with the latter in

resisting it. To this end we have been invited, and upon these points we have promised that our ministers shall have full powers. We must do this, or the whole affair becomes empty pageantry; which, though it may be the offspring of personal ambition, will assuredly terminate in national disgrace. Call it an "alliance," or whatever name you please, it is a political connection, at war with the established policy of our Government. And is this a light matter? Sir, when it is proposed to subvert a fundamental principle in our foreign policy, in the support of which we stand ALONE among all the nations of the earth-which, commencing with our Government, is endeared to the people, and upon whose deep foundations has been erected the magnificent superstructure of unequalled national prosperity; it surely becomes those entrusted with the management of affairs, to pause, and weigh, with scrupulous exactness, the importance of the step.

In the discussion of this subject, I shall first consider the general principle; then the grounds of the distinction attempted to be made between its application to the Spanish American States, and to those of Europe. At this moment, the United States, (thanks to the wisdom of their early counsels!) are unfettered. No Government has a right to demand our aid or interference in any of the changes in the condition of the world-come what may, we are now unembarrassed in our choice. Until lately, I had flattered myself that the acknowledged obligation on the part of our Government to maintain that condition, was as firmly fixed as its Republican character. I had the best reason to think so, because I knew it to be a principle in our public policy, which had for its support all that is instructive in experience, all that is venerable in authority. That authority is no less than the parting admonitions of the Father of his Country. The earnest, eloquent, and impressive appeals upon this subject, contained in his Farewell Address, are yet, and will, I trust, long remain fresh in our recollections; nor were the sentiments he thus avowed mere speculative opinions, founded upon an abstract consideration of the subject. No! they were sentiments matured by reflection, and confirmed by actual experience, of the practical results which had arisen from a connection of the character he so ardently and so justly deprecated. A reference to the history of that period will illustrate the fact, and is replete with instruction. During the war of our Revolution, we entered into an alliance with France, "the essential and direct end of which was to maintain effectually the liberty, sovereignty, and independence of the United States, absolute and unlimited, as well in matters of Government as of commerce." By the treaty of alliance, we, in consideration of the guarantee by France of the freedom and independence of the United States, undertook, on our part, to guaranty to France the possessions she then had

in America. The revolution in France involved that country in war with the principal Powers of Europe. Her American possessions were brought in danger; and, among other things, claimed under the treaty of alliance, she called upon us for the fulfilment of our guarantee. At no period of our history has our Government been placed in a more humiliating and embarrassing situation. The signal benefits we had received from France were known to the world, and fully appreciated by our citizens. Upon the terms of the compact there could be no dispute. The consideration up. on which we had entered into it, was of the most sacred character. But the danger of compliance was imminent, and prevailed over every other consideration. Reposing itself upon the great principle of self-preservation-a principle extending itself as well to nations as individuals-our Government refused to comply with its engagement; and General Washington issued his celebrated proclamation of neutrality. The grounds relied upon to justify the step were, that our alliance was a defensive one only; that the war, on the part of France, was an offensive war, in which we were not obliged, by the law of nations, to take part; that the contest was, moreover, so unequal, and our means so inadequate, that, upon the principle of self-preservation, we were justified in refusing to take part with our ally. It was not expected that France would acquiesce in the validity of the grounds thus taken. She did not. The loud solemn protests of her Ministers are remembered; as, also, the measures resorted to for the purpose of obtaining, indirectly, some of the advantages claimed from the alliance: such as fitting out vessels of war in our ports, and enlisting our citizens in her service. England remonstrated, made strong imputations of partiality against our Government-imputations founded on suspicions growing out of the known connection between us and Franceand resorted to similar means to annoy her enemies and commit our neutrality. General Washington found it impossible to satisfy either party of the strict impartiality that governed our conduct. The result was war, in fact, with France, and many of the evils of war with England. She enforced against our commerce new and unjustifiable principles of public law on the subject of blockades and articles contraband of war. The sagacious mind of Washington, and the great men who enjoyed his confidence, traced the mul tiplied embarrassments of the country at that trying period, to the treaty of alliance with France. Had it not been for that, the task of preserving our neutrality would have been comparatively easy. There would then have been wanting those great sources of discord, unsatisfied claims of right on the part of one belligerent, and food for jealousy on the other. It was under a deep conviction of this truth, that that inestimable man was induced to address his countrymen in language like this. I will make no apology for reading it. I hope to God that the time will never arrive when an

apology will be necessary for reading any thing to an American Senate, emanating from him, and bearing upon a question before it. Extracts from the Farewell Address of General Washington. "The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign nations, " is, in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as "little political connection as possible. So far as we have already "formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good "faith. Here let us stop.

"Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none, or a very remote relation. Hence, she must be engaged in fre66 quent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign "to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves, by artificial ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes "of her politics, or the ordinary combinations of her friendships 66 or enmities.

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"Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different course. If we remain one people, under an "efficient Government, the period is not far off, when we may dety material injury from external annoyance; when we may "take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we may at any time resolve upon, to be scrupulously respected; when belliger“ent nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon Ius, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when we 66 may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, "shall counsel.

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"Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why "quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle "our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, ri"valship, interest, humor, or caprice ?

06

""Tis our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with 66 any portion of the foreign world; so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it: for let me not be understood as capable of "patronizing infidelity to existing engagements. "maxim no less applicable to public than to private affairs, that I hold the "honesty is always the best policy. I repeat it, therefore, let "those engagements be observed in their genuine sense.

my opinion, it is unnecessary, and would be unwise, to extend But, in "them."

"In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old "and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the strong and lasting impression I could wish; that they will control the usual current of the passions, or prevent our nation from running the course which has hitherto marked the destiny of "nations. But, if I may even flatter myself, that they may be "productive of some partial benefit, some occasional good; that

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they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of party spirit; to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue; to guard against the impostures of pretended patriotism; this hope will be a full recompense for the solicitude for your welfare, by which 16 they have been dictated."

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His language was prophetic. "His admonition did not make the strong and lasting impression he wished." At the extra session of Congress, in May, 1797, his successor, in his Message to that body, thus expressed himself:

Extract from the Message of President Adams to Congress, in

1798.

"Although it is very true, that we ought not to involve ourselves "in the political system of Europe, but to keep ourselves distinct "and separate from it, if we cau; yet to effect this separation, early, "punctual, and continual information of the current chain of events, "and of the political projects in contemplation, is no less necessary "than if we were directly concerned in them. It is necessary, in "order to the discovery of the efforts made to draw us into the "vortex, in season to make preparations against them. However we may consider ourselves, the maritime and commercial Powers "of the world will consider the United States of America as forming a weight in that balance of power in Europe, which never can "be forgotten or neglected. It would not only be again t our interest, but it would be doing wrong to one-half of Europe at least, "if we should voluntarily throw ourselves into either scale. It is a "natural policy for a nation that studies to be neutral, to consult "with other nations engaged in the same studies and pursuits. At "the same time that measures ought to be pursued with this view, our treaties with Prussia and Sweden, one of which is expired, "and the other near expiring, might be renewed."

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This communication was followed by the nomination of a minister (the present President of the United States,) to Berlin, to carry into effect, the avowed object of the mission. This early departure from the principles and disregard of the precepts of Washington, was met by the united and most vigorous opposition of the Republicans of that day. An attempt was first made in the Senate to defeat the mission, on the ground of its inexpediency. That failing, the appropriation was resisted in the House of Representatives, in a debate that lasted for several weeks. It was the direct cause of the first great collision, between the Republicans of that day, and the then President. A singular and extraordinary similarity will be found between the question then agitated, and the one now under discussion. It was then contended that the United States ought to consult with other nations engaged in the same studies and pursuits, and that measures ought to be pursued with that view. Those measures were understood to be the formation of political connections, (beyond the ordinary commercial