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British descent, speaking the English language, in the oldest of our colonies, to whom the horse was a strange animal.

We have said that Harvey was a fisherman; and fishing, or some process connected with it, is the occupation of almost every man, woman, and child in the country. Out of St. John's, either fish, or some sign of the finny tribe, visible or odoriferous, is met with wherever there is a population. At a distance from the capital, in the small settlements, the fishermen live in unpainted wooden cottages, scattered in the coves, now perched upon rocks or hidden in nooks, tho neighborhood showing small patches of cultivated garden ground, and copses of stunted wood. Each cabin has its fish-flake, a kind of rude platform, elevated on poles ten or twelve feet high, covered with a matting of sticks and boughs, on which the fish aro laid out to dry. At a convenient point on the shore is a stage, much more strongly constructed, jutting out over the water. It forms a small pier, made in front to serve the purpose of a ladder, at which a landing frequently is alone possible on the steep and iron-bound coast. On returning from the fishing-ground, the boat is brought to the stage with the cargo, and, striking a prong in the head of each fish, they are thrown upon it one by one, in much the same manner as hay is pitched into a cart. The operations of cutting-open, taking out the entrails, preserving, the liver for oil, removing the backbone, and salting, are immediately performed upon the stage, in which the younger branches of the family arc employed, males or females, as the case may be. The drying on the flakes is the last process. It is the in-shore fishery that is prosecuted by the British, not extending generally more than a mile or two from the harbors, that of the Great Bank being abandoned to the Yankees and French.

The seas swarm with almost every variety of fish in its season. There are incredible shoals of lance, a small, elongated, silvery, eel-like creature; vast armies of migratory herrings; and hosts of capelin, slight and elegantlyshaped, with a greenish back, silvery underneath the body, and some scales of a reddish tinge. These arc the small fry. They serve as food for the omnivorous cod, and arc followed by their rapacious enemy with gaping mouth and helter-skelter movement, through all the sinuosities of the coast. The cod, the great object of attraction to the fishermen, is just as actively pursued by his human foes. Early in May, the work of preparation commences, laying in provisions, arranging hooks, lines, nets, and the rigging of boats. Between the middle and close of the month, the spring herrings, or the first shoal, arrive, and arc caught in nets to be used for bait. About the middle of June, the capelin come in, crowding to the shores in countless myriads to spawn, They remain about a month, and, being the favourite food of the cod, the fishery is now at its height. In such numbers arc they, that wherever there is a strip of beach, •very rolling wave strews the sand with hun

dreds, which'are swept ofl', perhaps, by the next billow, or fall an easy prey to the women and children, who stand ready with buckets and barrows to seize upon the precious and plentiful booty. On a fine moonlight night, the appearance of a secluded cove, or broader 'expanse, is often very remarkable, and even splendid. There are whales rising and plunging, throwing up spouts of water; cod-fish flirting their tails ab^ve the waves, reflecting the light of the mocn from their silvery surface; and legions of capelin hurrying away to seek a reluge from the monsters of the deep. Toward the beginning of August, the capelin leave the shores, and are succeeded by the small scuttle-fish, which are followed in September by the autumnal, or "fall herrings," the last shoal, when the summer fishery closes. On some parts of the shores, where the water is shallow, seines and other kinds of nets are employed in the capture of the cod; or when the fish are so gorged that they refuse all baits, jigging is resorted to. A plummet of lead, armed with hooks, is let down, and moved rapidly to and fro, by which the fish are caught. But, notwithstanding every way, hooking, netting, and jigging, and the enormous annual destruction, the seas swarm with undiminished multitudes of cod-fish every recurring season. This is not surprising, when Leewenhoek counted 9,384,000 in the spawn of a single individual of medium size, a number that w ill defy all the efforts of man to exterminate.

The island has not only its fishermen, hut fishing dogs; at least Harvey had one of this class, who had not been taught the craft, but took to it of his own accord, and followed it apparently for amusement. The animal was not of the breed distinguished as the Newfoundland dog, so celebrated for beauty, sagacity, and fidelity; but one of the short-haired, sharp-nosed Labrador race, the most abundant dogs in the country, not handsome, but intelligent and useful. When not wanted for the service of his master or the family, the dog would take his station on a projecting point of rock, and attentively watch the water, where it might be from six to eight feet deep, the bottom being white with lish bones. Upon a fish appearing, easily discovered over the whitened ground, it was immediately "set'' by the dog, who waited for the favorable opportunity to make a plunge. This was upon the fish turning its broadside toward him, when down he went like a dart, and seldom retumed without the struggling prey in his mouth. The animal regularly conveyed his capture to a particular spot selected by himself, and on a summer day would raise a fish-stack at the place, consisting of fifty or sixty individuals a foot long. To pass from fishermen, fish, and dogs to steamers is an abrupt transition. But it may be mentioned as of importance in Newfoundland history, that jn 1497, the first ship, "Caboto," visited its waters; in 1536, the abundance of cod was discovered; and in 1840, the first steam-vessel reached the shore. This was H.M.S. "Spitfire," which entered the harbor of St. John's, to land a few troops from Halifax. Great was the astonishment and admiration of those who had never been out of the island. Some boatmen oil' the Narrows were so completely bewildered by the spectacle, that they were nearly run down by the huge novel craft.

IMITATION PEARLS AND DIAMONDS.

ONE of the most curious sights in Paris, or indeed in the whole world, is afforded by a visit to the vast atelier of M. Bourguignon, situated at the Barriere du Trone, where the whole process of transforming a few grains of dirty, heavy-looking sand into a diamond of the purest water, is daily going on, with the avowed purpose of deceiving every body but the buyer. The sand employed, and upon which every thing depends, is found in the forests of Fontainebleau, and enjoys to great a reputation in the trade, that large quantities are exported. The coloring matter for imitating emeralds, rubies and sapphires, is entirely mineral, and has been brought to high perfection by M. Bourguignon. He maintains in constant employment about a hundred workmen, besides a number of women and young girls, whose business it is to polish the colored stones, and line the false pearls with fish-scales and wax. The scales of the roach and dace are chiefly employed for this purpose, and form a considerable source of profit to the fishermen of the Seine, in the environs of Corbeil, who bring them to Paris in large quantities during the season. They must be stripped from the fish while living, or the glistening hue which we admire so much in the real pearl can not be imitated. It is, however, to the "cultivation" of the diamond that M. Bourguignon has devoted the whole of his ingenuity; and were he to detail the mysteries of his craft, iotne of the most singular histories of "family diamonds" and " heir-looms" would be brought to light. A few months ago a lady entered his shop, looking rather flushed and excited, and drawing from her muff a number of morocco cases of many shapes and sizes, opened them one after another, and spread them out on the counter. "I wish to learn the price of a parure to be made in exact imitation of this," she said; "that is to say, if you can imitate the workmanship with sufficient precision for the distinction never to be observed." Bourguignon examined the articles attentively, named his price, and gave the most unequivocal promise that the parure should be an exact counterpart of the one before him. The lady insisted again. She was urgent overmuch, as is the case with the fair sex in general. Was he sure the imitation would be perfect? Had he observed the beauty and purity of these stones I Could he imitate the peculiar manner in which they were cut, 1See.k "Soyez tranquille, madame," replied Bourguignon, " the same workman shall have the job, and you may rely upon an exact counterpart of his former work." The lady opened her eyes in astonishment and trepidation, and M. Bourguignon, with unconscious serenity, added, by way of reassuring her: "I will attend to the Vol. IX.—No. 49.—H

order myself, as I did when I received the commands of the gentleman who ordered this very parure, I think, last February;" and, with the greatest unconcern, he proceeded to search his ledger, to ascertain which of the workmen executed it, and what the date of its delivery.

Not only, however, is domestic deception carried on by means of M. Bourguignon's artistic skill, but he has often been called upon to lend his aid to diplomatic craft likewise. Numberless are the snuff-boxes, "adorned with valuable diamonds," which issue from his atelier in secret as the reward of public service, or skillful negotiation; innumerable portraits, " set in brilliants," which have been mounted there, to gladden the hearts of charges d'affaires, attaches, and viceconsuls. The great Mchemet Ali, like all great men who, when they commit little actions, always do so on a great scale, may be said to be the first who ever introduced the bright delusions of M. Bourguignon to the unconscious acquaintance of the children of that prophet, "who suffered no deceivers to live."

The wily okl Mussulman, who knew the world too well not to be conscious of the value of an appearance of profusion on certain occasions, had announced that every pasha who came to the seat of government, to swear allegiance to his power, would return to his province laden with presents of jewels for his wives. It may readily be imagined that, under such conditions, the duty became a pleasure, and that there needed no second bidding. Meanwhile, Mehemet, with characteristioacaution, had dispatched an order to his envoy, then sojourning in Paris, to send- him forthwith as many of the diabolical deceptions of the lying Franks, in the way of mock diamonds, as he could collect. Bourguignon undertook to furnish tho order, which was executed in due course, and duly appropriated, no doubt, causing many a Mashallah! of delight to fall from the lips of the harem beauties of Egypt, and many an Allah Hu! of loyalty from those of their husbands, at sight of so much generosity.

A visit to Bourguignon's shop will inspire tho mind with wonder to behold the perfection with which art can be made to imitate the most exquisite productions of nature. The lustre of the diamond: the richness, the double reflection of the ruby; even the caprice and deviation in the form and color of the pearl, escape not the cunning eye of the artist. Some of tho parures are valued as high as five or six thousand franes. The workmanship, however, is as tasteful and costly as any produced by the first jewelers in the world. The setting is always of real gold, and the fashion of the newest kind. A tiara from the shop of Bourguignon, of the price of six hundred francs, will rival in effect and delicacy of finish its neighbor which may have cost twenty times as much; none can tell the difference but those who have been allowed to handle it, and breathe upon it, and touch it with the tongue, and apply an acid to it, in order to see whether or no it becomes tarnished.

THE UNITED STATES.

SEVERAL topies of considerable public importance have been discussed in Congress during the past month, but no decisive action has been taken upon any. The controversy on the Nebraska Bill, and the issues connected with it, has to some extent disorganized both the great political parties, and seriously interfered with practical legislation. The most important measure of the Senate has been the ratification of the treaty negotiated with Mexico by General Gadsden, though this was not effected until the treaty had undergone some very important modifications. The extent of territory to be acquired was reduced one half, the portion purchased including a route for a railroad to the Pacific. The sum to be paid to Mexico is reduced from twenty to ten millions of dollars, and the eleventh article of the treaty of Guadalupe, by which the United States agreed to protect Mexico from the incursions of the Indians on her frontiers, is abrogated. The treaty does not embrace any stipulation for the satisfaction of American claims, but it recognizes, and to some extent protects, the grant for a railroad route across the Isthmus of Tehuantepec. These modifications in the treaty must of course be submitted to the Mexican government

for its approval. On the 2d of May a Message

was received in the Senate from the President, giving at length his reasons for withholding his signature from a bill which had passed both branches of Congress, appropriating ten million acres of public land to the several States, for the relief of the indigent insane within their limits. The President objects that the Constitution does not confer upon the General Government any power to make such appropriations, and that its assumption would be a very dangerous precedent, and would lead to the complete reversal of the true theory of the government, whica regards the Union as merely the creature of the several States. He fears, moreover, that if Congress were thus to assume the offices of charity which properly belong to local authorities, the several States, instead of relying on their own resources for such objects, would become suppliants for the bounty of the Federal Government, and that the fountains of charity would thus be dried up at home. The faith of the government is pledged also, by the acceptance of that portion of these lands ceded by the older States, to dispose of them exclusively for the common benefit of all the States ; and by the act of 1847 they are still further pledged for the payment of certain portions of the public debt. On grounds, therefore, both of right and of expediency, the President is opposed to the principle of the bill. He refers to the fact that previous donations of land for educational purposes, for the construction of railroads, etc., will probably be cited as precedents to justify the appropriation proposed in this instance. But in these cases, he says, the government merely acted as a wise proprietor, and gave away part of its lands in order to enhance the value of the rest. The only cases in the history of the country which can be properly cited as precedents, are an act passed in 1819, granting a township of land to the Connecticut Asylum for the education of the Deaf and Dumb, and another, passed in 1826, making a similar grant for a similar purpose in Kentucky. Both these cases he is inclined to consider warnings to be shunned, rather than ex

amples to be followed. A debate followed the receipt of the Message, in which its positions were sustained by the Democratic Senators, and opposed

by the Whigs. Mr. Gwin, on the 4th, moved to

take up the Pacific Railroad Bill—saying that he should consider the vote on that proposition decisive of the fate of the bill at the presont session. The Senate refused to take it up, by a vote of 23

to 20. On the 1st, Senator Slidell introduced

a resolution authorizing the President to suspend the operation of our neutrality laws so far as Spain is concerned, whenever, in his judgment, such a measure should be expedient. He supported the resolution in an extended speech, in which he cited various facts to prove that the Spanish government, acting under the advice and protection of England and France, was taking steps to abolish slavery in the island of Cuba—a measure which, in his judgment, would be so hostile to the interests of the United States that it ought to be forbidden and prevented by our government. The repeal of our neutrality laws, he thought, would compel Spain to desist from the'policy on which she has entered. He urged the proposition, also, on the ground that it would aid in the emancipation of Cuba, and her ultimate annexation to the United States. The resolution was referred to the Committee on For eign Relations. The movement of Mr. Slidell excited a good deal of interest throughout the country; especially as rumors at the same time, received from Madrid through the British press, attributed to Mr. Soule, our Minister in Spain, very peremptory demands on the Spanish government for redress for injuries sustained by American interests at Havana, These rumors, however, all lack confirmation.

In the House of Representatives the Nebraska Bill has been the principal topic of discussion, although debate upon it has been mainly incidental, and while other subjects were before the House. On the 25th of April, Mr. Benton spoke against it, the first part of his speech being a vehement protest against the practice of citing the opinions of the President with a view to influence legislation, which, he said, was unconstitutional, inasmuch as there was only one way in which the President can properly communicate his opinions to Congress; namely, by message. Col. Benton also denounced the newspapers employed to do the public printing, for assuming to dictate to Congress ; and proceeded to resist the proposition to repeal the Missouri Compromise, on the ground that it was one of the three great measures by wlych the Union had been formed and its harmony preserved—the first being the ordinance of 1787, and the second the Federal Constitution. He said he came into public life on the Missouri Compromise, and he intended always to stand upon it, even if he should stand alone. It partook of the nature of a contract, and could not be repealed now without a violation of good faith. It had given peace and harmony to the country, and its repeal would inevitably involve us in useless and mischievous agitations. Not a petition for its repeal had come into Congress from any quarter. The Slave States had nothing to gain by passing it; the pretense that it was necessary in order to carry out the principle of non-intervention, was utterly fallacious ; and on every account the bill ought not to pass. On the 7th of May, a motion was made to lay aside all other public business before the House, in order to take up the Nebraska Bill, which had been referred to the Committee of the Whole. This proposition was considered as a test of the opinions of the House in regard to the bill. The result was, that it was carried by a vote of 109 to 88; and at the tune of closing this Record the bill was under discussion.

The American Association for the Advancement of Science held its sixth annual meeting at Washington, the session commencing on the 27th of April, and lasting five days. A large number of interesting and valuable papers were read on a great variety of scientific subjects, some of which were directly connected with the general interests of the country. Among them were several from Lieut. Maury and the gentlemen connected with the Coast Survey. The various exploring expeditions now in progress under the direction of the government were discussed at length, and the results which may be expected from them were clearly set forth. The meeting was even more interesting than usual, and will contribute essentially to direct popular attention to the worth and claims of science. A

Southern Convention, composed of delegates from the several Southern States, met at Charleston, S. C, on the 11th of April, for the purpose of devising measures to promote the interests and independence of the slaveholding section of the Union, and held a session of a week. Hon. George Dawson, U. S. Senator from Georgia, presided, and Lieut. Maury was placed at the head of a committee to prepare business for the Convention. The project of a railroad to the Pacific by a Southern route was the leading topic of discussion. The Convention was unanimous in the opinion that the road ought to be built, but was divided on the point whether it should be done by the Federal Government or by the Southern States alone. The decision was finally in favor of the latter plan. It is proposed that each of the Southern States shall subscribe to the stock of the road, and that all shall form themselves into a body corporate for the purpose of building it. Resolutions were adopted in favor of acquiring the right to navigate the river Amazon, of promoting manufactures in the Southern States, and of opening direct commercial intercourse with Europe.

Public attention has been largely directed to the result of a trial for murder in Kentucky. The facts of the case, as developed on the trial, were these: Professor Butler, teacher of a school in Louisville, Kentucky, had chastised one of his pupils, a lad fourteen years old, named William Ward, for violation of the rules, and for alleged falsehood in denying the offense. The lad's brother, Matt. F. Ward, the next day went to the school-room, armed with two loaded pistols, and accompanied by his brother Robert, who was armed with a bowie knife, and demanded an explanation from Professor Butler, who offered to make one, and invited him into his private room. Ward refused to go, saying that was the place to receive it. Butler declined to discuss the subject in presence of his pupils, upon which Ward denounced him in violent terms as a scoundrel and a coward, it was contended that upon this Butler •truck him; but the only direct evidence to this fact was that of Robert Ward, who was under indictment as an accomplice. Matt. Ward drew his pistol and shot Butler, who lived till evening. The venue was removed from Louisville to Elizabethtown, in Hardin County, where the trial was held. In addition to a strong array of retained counsel,

Hon. J. J. Crittenden appeared as a volunteer for Ward. The defense was that Butler struck Ward first, and that the latter shot him under that provocation, if not in self-defense. Ward was acquitted not only of murder, but also of manslaughter. Public demonstrations have taken place in various parta of the State, denouncing the verdict.

From California we have intelligence to the 15th of April. Some excitement had been occasioned in San Francisco by an attempt on the part of the Mexican Consul to enlist an armed force of three thousand men, mainly Germans and Frenchmen, for service in Mexico, to be employed chiefly in suppressing revolutions and repelling aggressions in Sonora and Lower California. Some three or four hundred of the persons enlisted were embarked on board a British ship, the Challenge, which was pursued, however, by a U. S. revenue cutter and brought back. The Mexican Consul was arrested, and on subsequent examination was indicted for a breach of the neutrality laws of the United States. Captain Watkins, who had returned to San Francisco after having taken part in Captain Walker's expedition against 'Sonora, had also been tried and convicted of the same offense, for which he was sentenced to pay a fine of fifteen hundred dollars. Walker's expedition seems to have been effectually broken up. At the latest dates it had retreated from the valley of the Trinidad toward the Colorado, on their way to Texas through New Mexico, and had been reduced to a total of fifty officers and twenty men. The mining news is favorable, and the farming prospects of the State are in the highest degree encouraging. The coming crop of wheat alone is estimated at twenty millions of bushels. Indian difficulties still prevail, especially on the Northern frontiers.

From Oregon, our dates being to the 25th of March, we hear that the admission of Oregon into the Union as a State is considerably agitated. A very large amount of wheat has been sown, and the crops in general promise to yield abundantly. Tha voleanic mountain of St. Helena is in a state of eruption.

MEXICO.

From Mexico, the only intelligence of interest is in regard to a formidable revolt against the Central Government, in the southwestern district, led by General Alvarez. The accounts of its progress are vague and unrehable. The strength of the insurgents is not accurately known, nor is it believed to be very considerable. At the latest dates Santa Anna was in the vicinity, of Acapuleo, with an army of about five thousand men, intending to attack the town, which was the head-quarters of the rebellion. The port had been blockaded, and one of the American Pacific steamers, which attempted to enter, had been driven away. The object of tha blockade is to prevent supplies reaching the insurgents.

GREAT BRITAIN. The Eastern War continues to absorb public attention. The withdrawal of the Russian embassadors from London and Paris has been already noted: that event was speedily followed by a formal Declaration of War. On thc27th of February the Earl of Clarendon dispatched a messenger to St Petersburg with a letter declaring that, if the Russian government did not immediately announce its intention of ordering its troops to recross the Pruth, so that the provinces of Wallachia and Moldavia should be completely evacuated by the 30th of April, her refusal or silence would be considered equivalent to a declaration of war, and the British government would take its measures accordingly. The messenger was directedto wait but six days for a reply. The note was presented to Count Nesselrode on the 17lh of March by M. Michele, the British Consul; and the Count's reply was, that he had "taken His Majesty's commands with reference to Lord Clarendon's note, and the Emperor did not think it becommg,to make any reply to it.'' The receipt of this response led to the immediate issue, on the 28th of March, of the Declaration of War. This important document rehearsed rapidly the successive steps in the progress of the difficulty, conceding at the outset that the Emperor of Russia had some cause of complaint against the Sultan with regard to the Holy Places, but declaring that these had been amicably adjusted by the advice of the British Minister, and that the Russian Envoy, Prince Menschikoff, was meantime urging still more important demands, concerning the position of the Christian subjects of the Sultan, which He carefully concealed from the British embassador. These demands were rejected, and the Emperor of Russia immediately sent large bodies of troops to the frontier, and took possession of the Principalities for the purpose of enforcing compliance with them. The object sought was virtual control of the nine millions of the Christian subjects of the Sultan; which the Porte could not grant without yielding to Russia the substantial sovereignty over his territories. It was therefore refused, and the French and English governments had felt called upon—by regard for an ally, the integrity and independence of whose empire have been recognized as essential to the peace of Europe, by the sympathies of their people with right against wrong, by a desire to avert from their dominions the most injurious consequences, and to save Europe from the preponderance of a Power which had violated the faith of treaties and defied the opinion of the civilized world—to take up arms for the defense of the Sultan.—The Declaration was debated in Parliament at great length on the 31st of March. In the House of Lords, the Earl of Clarendon contended that the object of the Emperor of Russia had been to obtain such an ascendency and right of interference in Turkey as would have enabled him at any time to possess himself of Constantinople; and that this design had been steadily pursued in the face of the most distinct and solemn assurances to the English government that he had no such purpose in view. If he had been allowed to carry this design into execution, Lord C. thought it would not be too much to say that more than one Western power would have been made to undergo the fate of Poland. It was not to protect her trade, nor to defend her India possessions, that England had resolved to go to war. For neither of these objects would she make the sacrifices she was about to make; but it was to maintain her honor, and to sustain the cause of civihzation against barbarism. Russia had already reduced several of the German powers to a state of virtual dependence upon her, and it became absolutely necessary to place a check upon her further aggressions on the independence of Europe. Austria and Prussia had both resolved to maintain a position of complete neutrality. This would be found in the end impossible; but thus far England had reason to be perfectly satisfied with the course they had adopted, although she had received no guarantee as to their ultimate action. The Earl

of Derby followed in a long speech, the main object of which was to show, from the recent correspondence between the two governments, that Russia had not deceived the English government in regard to her intentions, and that nothing but the utmost blindness coul4 excuse the English Ministry for the course they had taken. It was very evident, he thought, that the Emperor counted with some reason on the friendly disposition of Lord Aberdeen, and that but for his accession to power those attempts on the integrity of Turkey would never have been made which had resulted in war. He pledged his support to the war, which he hoped would be conducted with perseverance as well as enthusiasm. Lord Aberdeen retorted the personal attack of the Earl of Derby by reminding him that he himself, when Prime Minister, had been complimented by the only Austrian Minister who had ever been the bitter foe of England, and that he had acknowledged these complimentary expressions with declarations of gratitude: for his own part, he could say the Emperor of Russia had received no such grateful recognition from him. Lord Brougham, without entering into any extended discussion of the question, expressed his fears that the war would not prove to be a short one—and said that his principal anxiety related to the southern and central parts of Europe; for nothing was to be more dreaded than a war of propagandism, and nothing was more to be deprecated than an appeal to insurrectionary movements.—In the House of Commons, Lord John Russell moved the Address, and supported it in a speech briefly sketching the history of the case, and regretting that even the passage of the Danube by the Russian troops had not elicited from Austria a declaration of war. Mr. Layard followed, charging upon Lord Aberdeen that he had actually abetted the designs of Russia by his course from a very early date, and severely censuring the action of the Ministry, in not having more promptly ordered the fleet in the Bosphorus to the assistance of the Sultan. Mr. Bright denounced the war as utterly unjust and unwise, and ridiculed the pretense that England was to preserve the balance of power in Europe. If the United States should remain at peace for seven years longer, they would show Europe where the balance of power would lie. The whole notion of the European equilibrium was one of the most false and mischievous delusions they had inherited from the past. Lord Palmerston defended the policy of the Government, saying it was impossible for any man, able to sec and capable of drawing a conclusion, to doubt that there was a settled intention on the part of Russia to overrun and overthrow the Turkish Empire, for the purpose of establishing in the territory of Turkey the ascendency and domination of Russia; and the reason why the Emperor chose the present moment for pushing this design, was that he feared that the progress of reform in Turkey would soon put its accomplishment out of his power. The European balance of power, which Mr. Bright had declared himself unable to understand, was simply the doctrine of self-preservation; and the only question for England to consider now, was whether one-Power is to bestride the globe from North to South, from the Baltic to the Mediterranean—to dictate to Germany, to domineer in the Mediterranean, to have the whole of the rest of Europe at its mercy, to deal with it as it pleases; or whether that Power shall be taught that there are limits even to the ambition of a Czar. Mr. Disracli followed with an elaborate attempt to

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