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The excessive precautions taken to insure homage to a man which we are taught to believe purity of choice, betray the extent to which fac-are due only to God, it will be difficult for the tion and corruption must have intruded into these mass to discriminate the nice distinction they elections. In times past the most scandalous would make. Their example, at all events, is so scenes have preceded and accompanied the in- much weight in the scale of idolatry, while their trigues which, despite the severity of the regula- motives are far beyond the capacity of ignorant tions, find entrance into the holy conclave, minds to comprehend. splitting it into unholy factions. During the During the interval between the death of one comparatively recent conclave, which resulted in Pope and the election of another, the papal functhe election of Pius VI., the cardinals even pro tions are administered by an officer called the ceeded to blows, and their excitement rivaled the “Camerlingue," or Cardinal President, of the worst scenes that have ever occurred in any Court of Rome. He holds one of the three keys democratic congress.
of the treasure of the Castle of St. Angelo; the After his election the Pope selects the name dean of the sacred college another, and the Pope by which he wishes to be known. The Master the third. of Ceremonies then clothes him in the papal vest- The unity and policy of the papal court is unments, and the cardinals, each in turn, kiss his doubtedly the same in all ages, so far as concerns hands and feet, the Pope giving them upon the its claims to temporal and spiritual power. Were right cheek the kiss of peace. They then chant, it not counteracted by the spirit of the age, there - Behold the high priest, pleasing to God, and is no reason to believe it would not now assert its found just.!” The guns of St. Angelo thunder authority as distinctly and frankly as in the thirforth a salute, every bell of the city augments the teenth century, in the mandate of Nicholas III., joyous clamor, and drums, trumpets, and timbrels, cited in the ninety-sixth distinction of the canon amid the acclamations of the people--if the elec-law, viz. : tion be a popular one complete the noisy chorus. “It is evident that the Roman pontiff can not
After a special adoration in the Sistine Chapel, be judged of man, because he is God!” the Pope seats himself under a red canopy before | In a bull of Gregory IX., inserted in the Dethe grand altar in St. Peter's, where he receives cretals, under the title of “ Pre-eminence," we the adoration of the people. This finished, he is read as follows: borne in grand procession to the palace which he “God has made two great lights for the firmaselects for his residence. In the adoration paid ment of the universal Church—that is to say, he to the Pope enlightened Romanists disclaim, and has instituted two dignities : these are the ponwith justice no doubt, any act of personal idola- tifical authority and the royal power ; but that try. But while they render the same forms of which rules in these days, that is to say over
things spiritual, is the greater, and that which national system of education. Members of vapresides over things material the lesser. There- rious grades and classes in the social scale are fore all should know that there is as much differ- | instructed together, in the same schools, in the ence between pontiffs and kings as between the same mode, and on the same subjects, to a desun and moon. We say that every human creat-gree of which we have no example here. If the ure is subjected to the sovereign pontiff, and that peasant, the grocer, or the tailor, can scrape tohe can (according to the decretal of Innocent III., gether a little money, his son receives his traincalled the Prebends), in virtue of his full power ing in the same seminary as the son of the proand sovereign authority, dispose of the natural prietor, whose land he cultivates, whose sugar and divine right."
and coffee he supplies, and whose coat he makes. At this age of the world we may smile at these | The boy, who ought to be a laborer or a petty doctrines. But the spirit which conceived them | tradesman, sits on the same bench, and learns still exists, though the power then enforced has the same lesson, as the boy who is destined for departed. The haughty ceremonies that accom- the bar, the tribune, or the civil service of the panied these assumptions of power are yet in full state. This system arises out of the passion for sway, yearly growing in imbecility, as the au- equality, and fosters it in turn. The result is, thority which alone could make them respected that each one naturally learns to despise his own becomes more remote. That which once carried destination, and to aspire to that of his more forwith it terrible meaning has now degenerated into tunate school-fellow. The grocer's son can not pitiful farce. Spectators now gather to Rome see why he should not become an advocate, a during holy festivals, not to worship or to ac-journalist, a statesman, as well as the wealthier knowledge the great head of the Christian church, and noble-born lad, who was often below him in but to wonder at the debasing shows proffered, the class, whom he occasionally thrashed, and and the haughty magnificence displayed by priests often helped over the thorny places of his daily who found their creed on a gospel of humility and task."* love. Should these remarks be construed as un- The Allies now advanced triumphantly toward charitable, I can only add that where religion, as the Rhine. Napoleon roused all his energies to I intend showing, is metamorphosed designedly meet the emergence. “Though age,” says Bourinto a mere spectacle, it must expect to be sub- rienne, "might have been supposed to have dejected to the ordinary laws of criticism. prived him of some of his activity, yet, in that
crisis, I beheld him as in his most vigorous NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. youth. Again he developed that fervid mind, BY JOHN S. C. ABBOTT.
which, as in his early conquests, annihilated
time and space, and seemed omnipresent in its THE CAMPAIGN OF PARIS.
energies." France, from the Rhine to the Pyre
nees, assumed the appearance of a vast arsenal. MHE war had now become a struggle for the The Council of State suggested to Napoleon that
1 dethronement of Napoleon, and for the ef-l it might not be wise to announce to the people fectual suppression, throughout Europe, of those the humiliating truth that the frontiera of
the humiliating truth that the frontiers of France principles of republican equality, to which the momindad French Revolution had given birth. There nev
“Wherefore," replied Napoleon, “ should not er was a government so popular as not to have
| the truth be told? Wellington has entered the its opposition. In every nation and state allied
south; the Russians menace the north; the Austo France there were many royalists, ready eagerly to join the allied armies. In the triumph of * It is greatly to Napoleon's honor, that such men as tha
the Duke of Wellington were contending against him.
It is, in itself, evidence of the righteousness of his privileges. And in all the old aristocracies there
cause. Probably there can not be found in the world & were multitudes, of the more intelligent portion
man more resolutely hostile to popular reform than was of the populace, hungering for reform. They
the Duke of Wellington. He was the idol of the aristoc. welcomed, with enthusiasm, the approach of the racy. He was hated by the people. They had pelted armies of Napoleon. It was the existence of him with mud through the streets of London, and he had
been compelled to barricade his windows against their this party, in such strength, both in England and
assaults. Even the soldiers under his command in Spain Ireland, which roused the Tory government of had no affection for his person; and, notwithstanding all Britain, to such tremendous exertions, to crush, the calumnies of the British press, they loved, around in the person of the French Emperor, the spirit their camp-fires, to tell stories of the goodness of Napoof republican equality. The North British Re
leon. Many, too, or these soldiers, after the battle of Wa
terloo, were sent to Canada. I am informed, by a gentleview, one of the organs of the Tory party, in the
man of commanding character and intelligence, that when following strain, which will certainly amuse a child, he has sat for hours listening to the anecdotes in American readers, complains of that equality, favor of Napoleon which these British soldiers had picked which Napoleon established in France :
up in the camp. Yet, true to military discipline, they
would stand firmly to their colors in the hour of battle. “Those who have watched the interior work
They were proud of the grandeur of the “Iron Duke," ings of society in France, long and close at hand,
but no soldier loved him. We will imitate Napoleon's are inclined to attribute much of that uselessness magnanimity, in not questioning the sincerity of the Duke and discontent, which is one of its most striking
of Wellington's convictions, that an aristocratic govern
ment is best for the people. We simply state the undefeatures, and which is the despair both of the
niable fact, that his hostility was deadly to all populas friends of order and the friends of freedom, to the reform.
trians, Prussians, and Bavarians, are on the east. warmed them into life. In many districts their Shame! Wellington is in France, and ye have influence over the peasantry was almost omninot risen, en masse, to drive him back. There potent. must be an impulse given. All must march. It The Count of Artois, afterward Charles X., is for you, counselors, fathers of families, heads hastened to join the army of the Austrians. His of the nation, to set the example. People speak son, the Duke of Angoulême, who had married of peace, when all should echo to the call of the unhappy daughter of Louis XVI., whose war."
tragic imprisonment with her brother, the DauThe emigrants, members of the old royalist phin, in the Temple, has moved the sympathies party, whom Napoleon had generously permitted of the world, hastened to the head-quarters of to return to France, and to enter again upon the Duke of Wellington. The Count of Protheir estates, basely, in this hour of disaster, vence, subsequently Louis XVIII., was residing turned against their benefactor. They organ- at Hartwell, England. He was an infirm, unized a wide-spread conspiracy, opened communi-wieldy, gouty old man, of three score years. cations with the Allies, distributed arms among Unable to make any exertions himself, he sat, their adherents, extolled the Bourbons, and de- lolling in his chair, while the Allies deluged famed, in every possible way, the good character | France in blood and flame, to place him on the of Napoleon.
throne. Talleyrand, the wily diplomatist, clearThe priests, hoping by the restoration of the ly discerning the fall of the empire, entered into Bourbons to regain the enormous church posses- communication with the Allies, to secure the best sions which had been confiscated by the Revolu- possible terms for himself. He did every thing tion, in large numbers joined the conspirators, in his power to thwart the exertions of Napoleon, and endeavored to sting the bosom which had and of the nation. In the Council of Siate, and
VOL. IX.-No. 49.–C
in the saloons of the capital, he incessantly ad-, minority, were ever ready to join hands for his vised submission.
overthrow. The President of the senatorial ccmOn the 20th of December Napoleon assembled mission, M. Fontanes, concluded his report rethe Senate. He opened the session in person, specting the continued assault of the Allies, with and thus addressed the members :
the following words : “ Against whom is that at“Splendid victories have illustrated the French tack directed ? Against that great man who has armies in this campaign. Defections, without a merited the gratitude of all kings; for he it was, parallel, have rendered those victories unavailing, who, in re-establishing the throne of France, exor have turned them against us. France would | tinguished the volcano with which they were all now have been in danger but for the energy and menaced.” The people did not relish this declarthe union of the French. In these momentous | ation, that Napoleon bad become an advocate of circumstances, my first thought has been to sum- the rights of kings. Napoleon had achieved all mon you around me. My heart has need of the his victories, and attained his supremacy, as the presence and affection of my subjects. I have recognized advocate of the rights of the people. never been seduced by prosperity. Adversity His rejection of Josephine, and his matrimonial will find me superior to its strokes. I have oft alliance with the proud house of Hapsburg, also en given peace to the nations, when they had lost operated against him. They had secured 18r his every thing. With a part of my conquests I cause no monarchical friends, but had wilted the have raised up monarchs, who have since aban enthusiasm of the people. doned me. I had conceived and executed great France was now disheartened. One army had designs for the happiness of the world. A mon- perished upon the snows of Russia ; another upon arch and a father, I feel that peace adds to the the plains of Saxony. The conscription and taxsecurity of thrones as well as families. No- ation had borne heavily upon all classes. All thing, on my part, is an obstacle to the re-estab- Europe had been combining in an interminable lishment of peace. You are the natural organs series of wars against revolutionary France. It of the throne. It is for you to give an example seemed impossible any longer to protract the conof energy, which may dignify our generation in flict. The majority of the legislative body adoptthe eyes of our posterity. Let them not say of ed the report of their committee, containing the us, They have sacrificed the first interests of following sentiments deeply wounding to the our country; they have submitted to laws, which | Emperor: England has sought in vain, during four centu- “In order to prevent the coalesced powers ries, to impose upon France.' I am confident from accusing France of any wish to maintain a that, in this crisis, the French will show them- too extensive territory, which they seem to fear, selves worthy of themselves and of me." would it not exhibit real greatness to undeceive
At the same time, Napoleon communicated to them by a formal declaration? It is for the govthe Senate and to the Legislative Assembly the ernment to propose the measures which may be correspondence which had taken place with the considered most prompt and safe for repelling the Allies, both before and after the battle of Leipsic. enemy, and establishing peace on a solid basis. He wished to prove to the nation that he had These measures must be effectual, if the French neglected no honorable exertions to arrest the people be convinced that their blood will be shed calamities of war. A committee was appointed, only in defense of their country and of its laws. by both bodies, to examine and report upon the It appears indispensable, therefore, that his Madocuments. The report of the Senate was favor- jesty shall be entreated to maintain the full and able to Napoleon, and yet the influence of that constant execution of the laws, which guarantee report was to weaken the Emperor's hold on the to the nation the free exercise of its political democracy. He had sought to identify himself rights." with the ancient order of things. It was the Napoleon regarded these insinuations as pecupolicy of his government to conciliate antagonis- liarly unfriendly, and ordered the printing of the tic principles, to engraft democratic rights upon report to be suppressed. He immediately asscmmonarchical forms. He hoped thus to secure bled the Council of State, and thus expressed his popular rights on the one hand, and to abate the sentiments on the subject : hostility of monarchical Europe on the other. “You are aware, gentlemen, of the dangers to This policy might have been unwise ; but there which the country is exposed. Without any obis cvery evidence that he sincerely thought it the ligation to do so, I thought it right to consult the best which could be adopted, under then existing deputies of the legislative body. They have concircumstances. He knew that France would not verted this act of my confidence into a weapon submit again to place her neck under the yoke against me, that is to say, against the country. of the old feudal aristocracy. He believed it im- Instead of assisting me, they obstruct my efforts. possible to maintain republican forms in France, We should assume an attitude to check the adwith a Jacobin mob at one extremity of society, vance of the enemy. Their attitude invites him. with royalist conspirators at the other extremity, Instead of showing to him a front of brass, they and with all Europe in arms against the republic. unvail to him our wounds. They stun me with
Though the overwhelming majority of the peo- clamors for peace, while the only means to obtain ple of France were strongly in favor of the policy it is to prepare for war. They speak of grievof Napoleon, yet the Jacobins on the one hand, ances. But these are subjects to be discussed in and the royalists on the other, a small but busy private, and not in the presence of an enemy.
Was I inaccessible to them? Did I ever show | had discovered the fatal effects of your internal myself averse to rational argument? It is time dissensions. By what authority do you consider to come to a conclusion. The legislative body, yourselves entitled to limit the action of government instead of assisting to save France, has concurred at such a moment as the present. Am I indebted to accelerate her ruin. It has betrayed its duty. to you for the authority which is invested in me? I fulfill mine. I prorogue the Assembly, and call | I hold it from God and the people only. Have for fresh elections. Were I sure that this act you forgotten in what manner I ascended the would bring the people of Paris in a crowd to the throne, which you now attack? There existed, Tuileries, to murder me this day, I would still do at that period, an Assembly like your own. Had my duty. My determination is perfectly legal. I deemed its authority and its choice sufficient If every one here will act worthily, I shall yet be for my purpose, do you think that I wanted the invincible, as well before the enemy, as behind means to obtain its votes. I have never been of the shelter of the law."
opinion that a sovereign could be elected in that Notwithstanding this prorogation, a few days manner. I was desirous, therefore, that the wish, after, on the first of January, a deputation from so generally expressed, for my being invested the legislative body attended court, to present the with the supreme power, should be submitted to congratulations of the season to the Emperor. a national vote, taken from every person in the As they entered the room, Napoleon advanced to French dominions. By such means only did I meet them. In earnest tones, which were sub- | accept of a throne. Do you imagine that I condued by the spirit of seriousness and sadness, he sider the throne as nothing more than a piece of thus spoke :
velvet spread over a chair? The throne consists “Gentlemen of the Chamber of Deputies! you in the unanimous wish of the nation in favor of are about to return to your respective depart- their sovereign. Our position is surrounded with ments. I had called you together, with perfect difficulties. By adhering to my views, you might reliance upon your concurrence in my endeavors have been of the greatest assistance to me. to illustrate this period of our history. You Nevertheless, I trust that, with the help of God might have rendered me a signal service, by giv- and of the army, I shall extricate myself, if I am ing me the support of which I stood in need, in- not doomed to be betrayed. Should I fall, to you stead of attempting to confine me within limits, alone will be ascribed the evils which will desolate which you would be the first to extend when you our common country.”