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THE UNITED STATES.
THE summer season, as usual, has suspended activity in almost every department of public life; and our Record of Events must lack incidents accordingly. Neither Congress nor the State Legislatures have been in session, and political movements have been mainly confined to party conventions held in preparation for the approaching Fall elections. In one or two of the States those elections have been already held. In Vermont it resuited in the election of Judge Royee, Whig, for Governor, by a majority of over 10,000, three Whig Members of Congress, and a Legislature strongly opposed to the National Administration. The result was sensibly affected by a union of the Whigs and the Free Soil party, on the basis of hostility to the repeal of the Missouri Compromise.—In North Carolina the Democratic candidate for Governor, Mr. Bragg, was elected by a majority of 2085.—In Maine the election has resulted in the triumph of the coalition of Whig and Free Soil parties, by a very large majority; but official returns have not been received.
A Convention of delegates representing those of all parties opposed to the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, met at Saratoga on the 16th of August. Hon. N. T. M'Coun was chosen President, A series of resolutions was adopted, declaring the purpose of the Convention to resist the admission into the Union of any new Slave States, and to secure the prohibition of slavery within all Territories over which the Federal Government has jurisdiction. No State ticket was nominated, but the Convention adjourned to meet again at Auburn on the 26th of September, after the several political parties shall have made their nominations. The Democratic State Convention, representing that section of the party friendly to the National Administration, was held at Syracuse on the 6th of September. Resolutions were adopted declaring the adhesion of the party to the Baltimore platform of 1852, approving of the National and State Administrations, and opposing any agitation in regard to the Missouri Compromise, although its repeal is considered inexpedient and unnecessary. Resolutions were offered and warmly pressed, unqualifiedly disapproving of that repeal; but they were rejected by a decisive vote. Governor Seymour was nominated for re-election, although he had sent a letter to the Convention peremptorily declining to be a candidate. W. H. Ludlow was nominated for Lieutenant-Governor. Hon. Greene
C. Bronson has accepted the nomination of the AntiAdministration section of the Democratic party in New York for Governor. In his letter of acceptance he declares his conviction that, unless we wish to dissolve the Union, we must deliver up fugitives from service, and expresses himself in favor of allowing the people of every State and Territory to regulate their domestic institutions for themselves. He declines to give pledges, or to answer inquiries concerning various topics not strictly of a political character, referring to his past life as a guarantee
for his official conduct. A State Convention of
the Whigs of Massachusetts^vas held at Boston on the 16th of August. Strong resolutions were passed in opposition to the repeal of the Missouri Compromise and on the general subject of slavery. Governor Washburn was nominated for re-election. A
Convention of Free Democrats was held at Wor
cester on the 7th, at which Senator Sumner made a speech strongly urging the duty of resisting the encroachments of slavery, and of securing the repeal of the Fugitive Slave Law. Henry Wilson was nominated for Governor. The diplomatic correspondence in regard to the rights of neutrals, between the United States and the European belligerents, has recently been published. Under date of April 28, Mr. Marcy, in a letter to the British Ministry, acknowledges the receipt of the Queen's declaration, that, during the present war, the principle will be recognized that free ships make free goods; and adds the expression of the wish, on the part of our Government, that the principle might be unconditionally sanctioned by France and Great Britain—as such a step would cause it to be recognized throughout the civilized world as a general principle of international law. Our Government, from its very commencement, has labored for its recognition as a neutral right, and has incorporated it in several of its treaties with foreign powers. Mr. Marcy states that the United States, during the present war, while claiming the full enjoyment of their rights as a neutral power, will observe the strictest neutrality toward each of the belligerents. The laws already forbid the equipping of privateers, or the enlistment of troops within our territories against powers with whom we are at peace; and those laws will be strictly enforced. Under date of February 24 and March 17, Mr. Buchanan, American Minister in England, reports to Mr. Marcy various conversations in which Lord Clarendon had discussed the subject of neutral rights; and on the 24th of March he reports a similar conversation on the subject of privateering, indirectly urging a treaty for its abolition. Mr. Buchanan urged that, in case of a war between the United States and Great Britain, the naval superiority of the latter would give her an advantage which could only be offset by the employment of American merchant vessels as privateers ; and that the United States could not, therefore, safely consent to the suppression of the system, unless the naval powers would go one step further, and consent to the abolition of all war upon private property on the ocean. On the 13th of April, Mr. Marcy replies to Mr. Buchanan, informing him that our Government is not prepared to listen to any proposition for the total suppression of privateering; and that it would not enter into any convention whereby it would preclude itself from resorting to the merchant marine of the country, in case it should become a belligerent party. The interdiction to neutrals of the coasting and colonial trade with the belligerents, if not enjoyed by tkem previous to the war, would be likely to be controverted by the United States if applied to our commerce. The law of blockade is deemed unnecessarily rigorous toward neutrals, and the right of search, if exercised against us harshly in the approaching war, would excite deep and wide-spread
indignation. Mr. Mason, our Minister in France,
under date of March 22, advised Mr. Marcy of the steps he had taken to secure from the French Government a recognition of the rights and interests of the United States; and on the 9th of May, Mr. Marcy directs Mr. Seymour, our Minister at St, Petersburg, to ascertain the views of the Russian Government in regard to neutral rights—feeling confident that Russia would adhere to the position she has held heretofore, that free ships make free goods.
From California we have intelligence to the 16th of August. Mining reports continued favorable, though in some localities operations had been suspended by a scarcity of water. A Whig State Convention was held at Sacramento on the 25th of July. Resolutions were adopted affirming, among other things, the right of the people of the Territories of the United States to legislate for themselves, and, whenever their population shall entitle them to admission into the Union, to frame such a State Constitution as they may prefer. The Democratic State Convention was held on the 18th. A division speedily took place in the Convention which produced a rupture, and led to the organization of two. The differences wore mainly personal. In Trinity County a very violent feud has broken out among the Chinese who are settled there, growing out of differences which they brought with them from the Celestial kingdom. The opposing parties, one numbering 140, and the other 400, recently had a severe fight, in which the former were victorious—two of their number and eight of their opponents being killed, and many more wounded.—Lieutenant Beckwith, of the Overland Surveying Party, had arrived in Sacramento with his party, consisting of about sixty persons, from his exploring tour from Salt Lake City. He reports having found a very feasible route for a railroad from Salt Lake to California, through a country abounding in water and grass for their cattle, and offering very few obstacles to the construction of a road.
From Oregon our dates are to the 5th of August. Governor Davis has resigned his oflice, in consequence of protracted sickness in his family in Indiana. There was a great scarcity of laborers in Oregon, and wages of mechanies had risen very considerably. The wheat harvest was in progress, and promised abundant returns. Two or three vessels were loading in Oregon for Hong Kong, intending to establish direct communication between Oregon and China. Several parties of overland emigrants had arrived, and reported the season to be very favorable for crossing. The gold mines in the vicinity of Port Orford were yielding rich returns.
From the Sandwich blands we have advices to the 22d of July. A squadron of three English and four French vessels of war arrived there on the 17th, but its destination was not known. In reply to inquiries from the British and French Consuls, Mr. Wyllie, the Minister of Foreign Relations, had communicated a resolution adopted by the King and Privy Council, which declares that the privilege of asylum in the ports of that kingdom is not to be extended to vessels armed, on private account, or to the prizes made by them, whatever may be the flag under which such vessels may sail: so that all privateers, and prizes made by them, are prohibited from entering the ports of that kingdom, unless in such circumstances of distress that their exclusion would involve a sacrifice of life, and then only under special permission from the King, after proof to His Majesty's satisfaction, of such circumstances of distress.—The Fourth of July was celebrated at Honolulu with great eelat. Rumors were circulated that the Government had finally decided on opening negotiations with the United States for the annexation of the islands to the Union; but nothing definite or reliable was known on the subject.
From Mexico we have additional reports of revolutionary movements in various quarters. In Sonora, Count Raousset Boulbon had effected a landing, induced the foreign garrison of Guyamas to revolt, and attacked the government troops; but was
repulsed with a loss of forty killed and over a hundred prisoners. It was rumored that the Count was among those captured, and that he had been shot, but the report lacks confirmation. In the South it is said that further engagements have taken place between the rebels and the government forces, ia
which the latter were successful. On the Rio
Grande frontier a fresh rebellion has broken out, and a pitched battle between the opposing forces was fought on the 13th of August, not far from Matanioras. The insurgents, numbering 250, under General Capistran, were successful against 180 government troops, under General Cruz. A proclamation has been issued, declaring that a Republican government has always been desired by the Mexican people, and that the object of this revolution is to secure for the people such form as they may prefer. Committees are to be elected in all the towns favorable to the movement, to have charge of the funds provided for it, to appoint officers, &c. After the capital shall have joined in the movement, a National Assembly is to be summoned, composed of one delegate for every 25,000, to lay the basis of a new government; and three months after the meeting of the Assembly a President shall be chosen. As yet the movement does not seem formidable.
GREAT BRITAIN. An interesting debate was had in the House of Commons, on the 4th of August, upon a bill to enable the Legislature of Canada to alter the constitution of one of its branches. The bill was opposed by Sir John Pakington, on the ground of its extremely democratic character; it was advocated byministerial members and others on the ground that no measure less democratic would be suited to the tendencies of the age or the progress of the Canadian people. The second reading was carried without a division.—A question of a good deal of interest and importance, touching the right of foreign authors to hold a copyright of their books in Great Britain, has recently been decided in the House of Lords. The case grew out of an alleged violation of the copyright of an Italian publisher in a piece of music which he had published in England. The Lord Chancellor, in his opinion, held that the object of the statute which granted to an author the sole liberty of printing and publishing his works for a limited time was national—that the privilege it conferred on authors was' intended for the benefit of the country, and that it was applicable to all persons residing within the Queen's dominions and owing allegiance to her. The decision of the Chancellor, in which the House concurred, was, that none but subjects or residents of Great Britain could avail themselves of the privileges of the copyright law; and that foreigners could not acquire any claim to those privileges by the mere act of first publishing their works in Great Britain. The decision will affect injuriously the rights of American authors who have first issued their works in England, and obtained copyright for them on that ground.—Mr. Hume, in the House of Commons, has again called attention to the necessity of taking still more energetic measures to suppress the Slave trade in Cuba, All the steps hitherto taken had been frustrated by the venality and treachery of the Cuban officials. Not less than ten thousand slaves, he said, had been landed in Cuba through their connivance within the last six months. The recent revolution in Spain, he thought, had created a favorable opportunity for taking more efficient action on the subject. Lord John Russell said it was certainly to be deplored that after Britain, France, the United States, and Brazil had rigidly put down the Blavetrade, it should still be carried on under the protection of the Spanish authorities in Cuba. With reference to the measures of suppression recently taken, the intelligence was of a more satisfactory nature. In February, 1854, prohibitive orders of a stringent nature were issued, and Mr. Crawford, the British representative, expressed himself satisfied of the sincerity of those orders. Further instructions to the same effect were issued in March, and under them 600 negroes were released. Other regulations imposed the penalty of dismissal of any of the authorities who should fail to report the arrival of fresh slaves, and under this regulation several district officers had been dismissed. In May, also, 600 more negroes were released. It was quite obvious that if such measures were rigorously carried into effect the importation of slaves into Cuba must soon cease. It was true that the venality of officers had to a very large extent frustrated the efforts made to suppress the trade, but as the Queen-Mother of Spain, who had been the chief promoter of the trade, was now removed, and a new Government had been instituted, he doubted not it would give energetic aid to suppress the traffic: at all events the British Government would keep a watchful eye on the matter, and do all in its power to secure the complete suppression of the traffie.
In the House of Lords the Marquis of Clan
ricarde elicited an explanation from the Earl of Clarendon, by some sharp strictures on the conduct of the war. He said that the blockade had not been so effectual as might have been expected from the great force at the disposal of the Government, and complained especially that they had no adequate force of gun-boats of small draught in the Baltie, or any vessels carrying mortars from which a bombardment, in the proper sense of the term, could be carried on. He condemned the policy which had induced England to permit an Austrian occupation of the Principalities, as a high price paid for a co-operation which was not even yet forthcoming, and which was always to be distrusted, as prompted by the purest selfishness. He, however, highly approved the expedition to the Crimea, as one really worthy of the two great nations by which it was undertaken, and hoped that, before Parliament next met, they would have cheering news of its success. Lord Clarendon, in reply, explained and vindicated the perfect loyalty with which Austria had acted to Turkey in the long series of negotiations which had ended in the treaty by which she had engaged to enter the Principalities. Her threatening attitude had done much to produce the retreat of the Russian army, but he denied that France and England had ever allowed their policy to become dependent on that of Austria. That power had great financial and political difficulties to encounter, but she had given the most convincing proofs, even within the last few hours, that she would not be content with the results which had already been obtained. He insisted also that there was no reason to be dissatisfied with the conduct of the campaign. The Russinns had been foiled in every attack by the Turkish troops under Omar Pasha, encouraged by the presence of the allied armies; their siege of Silistria had been ignominiously raised: they had recrossed the Danube, and were now so entirely discomfited that no further offensive operations were to be apprehended from them. In the Baltic the allied fleets had shut up those of Russia behind their granite fortifications, and had insured for British trade the most
complete freedom and security in every sea, while that of Russia was extinguished. These results might not appear very heroie, but they had brought the war home in its utmost severity to Russia. She had been compelled to increase her armaments, already so excessive, and the charge weighed most heavily on her resources. All these operations had only tended to increase the mutual respect, and to strengthen the alliance of the two great nations, on whose jealousy the Emperor of Russia had counted. He thought these no insignificant ends to have arrived at in five months; he could not state the conditions on which he would conclude a peace, but none would be just, honorable, or lasting, which did not make the Ottoman Empire a part of the general system of European policy. To gain this great result they would endeavor to obtain the co-operation of other governments, but would rely on the resources of France and England alone.
Mazzini has issued a new and stirring appeal to the masses of Europe to hold themselves ready for instant insurrection whenever the vicissitudes of the pending war shall offer a favorable opportunity. He reviews the whole subject of European politico to show that the Italians especially ought at once to throw off the yoke of Austria, and that there is no need to await the organization of great conspiracies, but that the insurrection ought instantly to commence in every village. The day for great conspiracies, he says, is past. The friends of freedom must no longer trust the cause to the issue of a single battle. Nor need they wait the signal of political leaders. Wherever five of them can meet together, they should form a nucleus, collect arras, and stand ready to aid any movement that may be made. The document is very able, elaborate, am) eloquent. Garibaldi, in a brief note, has disavowed all share in these sentiments, and expressed the opinion that a revolutionary movement under present circumstances would be hopeless. Kossuth,
on the 20th, made a long and able address to the people of Staffordshire, seeking mainly to prove that the substantial interests of the English people would be injuriously affected by an alliance with Austria. He said that the Allies had deterred the Turkish army from following up its successes by pursuing the Russians across the Danube, and that the prearranged occupation of the Principalities by Austria, would be a severe blow to the integrity of Turkey and to the general welfare of Europe. He ridiculed the project of the Allies to restrict the power of the Czar by obtaining from him pledges, and said this could only be done by reconstituting the Polish nation.
The revolutionary movement in Spain seems to have subsided. Espartero is at the head of the new Government; and the Ministry, in an exposition to the Queen, state that it has been decided to convoke the Constituent Cortes, which it is hoped will prove a new bond between the throne and the people—between liberty and the dynasty, interests concerning which no debate can be allowed. In discussing the composition of the Cortes, the Ministers admit the services hitherto rendered by the Senate, but fear that difficulties would arise from a conflict between two legislative bodies. They propose, therefore, the convocation of the Deputies alone for the formation of a new constitution, though they decline to express any opinion as to whether the permanent legislative power should be vested in one assembly or in two. In considering the mode of electing deputies the Ministers have followed mainly the precedent of 1837, amended in some particulars by the electoral laws of 1846. At their recommendation the Queen has issued a decree convoking the Cortes, to be composed of the Congress of Deputies alone, to meet at Madrid on the 9th of November—a deputy to be elected for each 35,000 souls; the voting to last three days; and the suffrage to be limited by a property qualification. This step has given satisfaction generally, but deputations have waited upon Espartero soliciting universal suffrage and a withdrawal of the statement that the question of dynasty is not to be discussed. Their applications, however, have been unsuccessful. There is a general demand that Queen Christina shall be tried by the Cortes for her peculations, but it is strongly resisted.
The new Greek Ministry has been constituted, and has issued a programme of principles and promises. The first duty of the new Government is assumed to be to conform to the Constitution, which is the germ of the future progress of the Greek nation. Every effort will be made to preserve friendly relations with foreign powers. Special attention is promised to the moral and material interests of the people, and especially to the subject of education, the benefits of which will be extended to all classes of society. Every thing will be done to strengthen religion, to appease dissension and party spirit, to promote agriculture, commerce, and industry, to reduce the expenses of the government, to build up the navy and to increase the numbers, perfect the discipline and increase the efficiency of the army.
THE EASTERN WAR.
Without any brilliant or decisive actions, the Eastern war has made some progress during the month. In the Baltic the event of interest has been the capture of Bomarsund by the allied forces. The first disembarkation of French troops took place on the 8th of August, and operations were immediately commenced and prosecuted for several days against the Russian forts, which were finally taken on the 16th. The loss of life on either side was not grcat. The land forces of the Allies numbered 11,000, those of the Russians 3000. The Aland Islands have thus fallen into the hands of
the Allies. On the Danube, the only movement
of importance is the occupation of the Principalities by the Austrians : they entered between the 18th and 25th of August. Count Coronini is Commander of the Austrian army of occupation. The Russians still remain on the lines of the Sereth and Pruth.
Alarming accounts are received of the ravages
of cholera in the allied camp at Varna. Letters from authentic sources state that the losses in the French regiments are frightfully severe, and that the prevalence of the disease has exercised a most dispiriting effect on both armies. The ravages of cholera are attributed to the fact that the wells nearly all contain more or less dead bodies of Turks and
Russians. In Asia, it is said that the Turkish
army has met with a decided defeat. A Vienna dispatch states, but without date, that Gen. Bebutoff had attacked and signally routed the main body of the Turks under the walls of Kara. The Russians say they killed 3000 Turks, took 2000 prisoners, including 84 staff and other officers, and captured 15 guns, with an immense amount of military stores. The shattered remains of the Turkish force had dispersed.
A diplomatic correspondence of considerable interest between the various parties to the pending war has been published. Count Nesselrode, on the part of Russia, replies, June 29, to the demand for the evacuation of the Principalities made by Austria and supported by Prussia. After rehearsing the history of the war, he assents to the three principles laid down in the protocol of April 9th, embraoing the integrity of Turkey, the evacuation of the Principalities on proper securities being given, and the consolidation of the rights of Christians in Turkey under a European guarantee. He thinks negotiations for a peace on this basis may be prepared by means of an armistice. The securities desired as a condition of evacuating the Principalities are, that she shall not be molested on the evacuated territory, and that the allied troops relieved by that
movement shall not be employed against her.
The Austrian Government, in a reply dated July 9, expresses its regret that Russia should have attached to the evacuation conditions which do not depend on the will of Austria. But as her demand is not, under the circumstances, without an appearance of equity, and as Austria deems it very important to exhaust every possible means of restoring peace, she promises to exert herself to secure the acquiescence of the maritime powers in this arrangement. In case of failure, however, she will be compelled to maintain her demand in its full
extent. The French Minister, M. Drouyn de
L'Huys, has also replied under date of July 22, to Count Nesselrode's argument, saying that France and England can not consent to a suspension of arms on the vague assurances of the Russian court; and laying down as the sole basis of peace the abandonment by Russia of the protectorate over the Provinces, the free navigation of the Danube, the revision of the treaty of 1841, for the purpose of limiting Russian power in the Black Sea, and that Christian rights in Turkey shall be guaranteed by all the European powers, and not by any one of them.
It is stated that the Austrian Government has issued a circular to all its diplomatic agents, intended to apprise them of the present position of affairs in the East. After alluding to the proposition made by Russia on the 29th of June, and by France on the 22d of July, the Austrian Minister observes, that although the position of Austria is considerably changed by the evacuation of the Principalities, the war continues between Russia on the one side, and England, France, and the Porte on the other. Secondly, that all treaties between Russia and the Porte have been abrogated by the present war, and have not regained validity by the evacuation of the Principalties. The Austrian Government, in principle, approves the conditions of peace proposed by the Western Powers, and conditionally agrees to them. The Austro-Prussian treaty of April 20, is in spirit in accord with the stipulations in question, though not exactly in word. A hope is expressed that the Court of Berlin will not be of another opinion; but should such unfortunately be the case, it will lead to no change in the foreign policy of Austria. For the present Austria will maintain an armed neutrality. It is announced that a formidable movement is on foot against Sebastopol, and that an invasion of the Crimea is proposed as the next movement of the Allies against Russia.
ARE WE ONE OR MANY? The very question, we hare said, involves a solecism. The personal pronoun, implying, as it does, unity in plurality, rebels against being used in any such query. There are tomes of morality, as well as psyehology in this significant We, thus embracing the whole supposed brotherhood of man, and separating it from every thing else in nature or creation, whether of a higher or a lower kind. We can, perhaps, only fully learn the value of the idea by its actual or supposed loss. Complaints are often made of the little influence the pulpit and the Bible seem to be exercising on mankind. But let the world try and do without them for a generation or two, and we should then have the most unerring data, the most positive and deplorable statisties, by which to estimate the ruinous deficit in all true temporal as well as spiritual progress. And so of the question before us. We may treat it now as only a matter of curious scientific interest. It excites no great alarm, because old associations yet govern our thinking. Scientific men, so called, are mostly incapable of reasoning about it out of their own exceedingly narrow range; and such is the superficialness of the general mind in respect to all the deeper questions of ethies and theology, that it is liable to be imposed upon by almost any thing that assumes this name of the scientifie, while stupidly ignoring all that can possibly impart to science any real dignity, or any true interest for a moral and immortal being.
But let the opposing opinion become general— let it be transferred from the head to the heart—let it be supposed to enter into the common and practical thinking of the age. We might, in that case, have some grounds for caleulating the moral value of this now assailed tenet of a common blood and universal fraternity. It would be found that it has had a power—a negative or restraining power perhaps—but still a power which has made earth less of a slaughter-house, and held back the human race, bad as it is, from that still lower depravity to which it would have descended, had it been universally known or thought that the different tribes which bore some resemblance to a common form had, in truth, no more of a common life and common nature, than the various species of animals that roamed around them. It would be found that, amidst all ferocities, the traditional belief, obscure and faint as it may have been, has still cherished a respect for man, as man and brother—that it had converted evil into good, or made it the means of preventing still greater evils—that it had softened the horrors of war, and when it could not wholly remedy, had introduced servitude and subjugation instead of that utter extermination which it is thought right to wage against the hostile and untamable beasts of the forest.
This alone would be enough for our argument; but the sentiment and the doctrine have had a positive influence. It might be shown that civilization, Christianity, philosophy, philanthropy, in a word, humanity, have grown with the increasing recognition of this principle of the essential oneness and brotherhood of the whole human race. We can not better express the thought than in the language of two of the most gifted minds of the present age: "While we maintain the unity of the human species," says Alexander von Humboldt, "we repel
the depressing assumption of superior and inferior races of men." Again says his noble brother—" If we would indicate an idea which throughout the whole course of history has ever more and more widely extended its empire, or which more than any other testifies to the much contested and still more decidedly misunderstood perfectibility of the whole human race, it is that of establishing our common humanity—of striving to treat all mankind, without reference to nation or color, as one fraternity fitted for the attainment of one object, the unrestrained development of its highest powers. Thus deeply rooted in the innermost nature of man, and even enjoined upon him by his highest tendencies, the recognition of the bond of humanity becomes one of the noblest leading principles in the history of mankind."
Following this train of thought we may see how much we are indebted to the Scriptures for a truth so purely a matter of revelation, whether traditional or written, and which instead of being dependent on a few texts, like the question in geology, enters into the core of all revealed religion, and into the very heart of Christianity. Instead of being a matter with which the Bible has nothing to do, as some say, it forms the very foundation of its most important teachings. Next to the sublime annunciation—" Hear, O Isracl, the Lord thy God is one Jehovah," is the declaration of the old Scriptures so emphatically repeated by Paul on M ars-hill—'' God hath made of one blood all nations (nuv l&voc—every ethnos or tribe) of men to dwell on all the face of the earth, having before determined their times and the bounds of their habitations."
And here, by the way, we can not help remarking that the language of the inspired Apostle has a very peculiar significance from the region and circumstances in which he was placed. There had come down from the primeval times the tradition of the human unity. In its wanderings from the old homestead each immigration had carried with it the myth of the first pair—either the first pair created, or the only pair saved from a flood. It was the common idea, with such mythological modifications, perhaps, as might cherish in each early isolated tribe its own fond claim of primogeniture. As exceptions, however, to this wide fact, there was here and there a people who asserted for themselves a different origin from the rest of mankind. Such claim has no historical value, for it always stands alone, out of the grand stream of human development, and ever connected with some absurd feeling of nationat pride, like that of our modern Anglo-Saxonism. A striking example of this is furnished by the Athenians. They claimed to be aitTOxBovec, indigence, the pure genuine "natives," or Anglo-Saxons of their day. They were the Aborigines. No other blood had ever mingled with their own. Now there can be no doubt that Paul meant to rebuke this spirit, and that God through Paul condemned their doctrine of diversity of origin, as strongly and as sternly as that endlessly diversified polytheism of which Athens was so noted an example. One God, one humanity, one common redemption, one resurrection, one judgment, through one man Christ Jesus, who had entered into the peculiar physical and forensic relations through which alone the mighty work of human salvation could be accomplishedsuch is the substance of Paul's ever-memorable ser