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THE UNITED STATES.

OUR Record for the month is saddened by a dreadful disaster. The steamer Arctic, of the Collins line, during her return voyage from Liverpool, was struck by the Vesta, an iron propeller, on the 27th of September, about sixty-five miles from Cape Race, a few feet forward of her paddle-boxes, and so seriously injured that in about three hours she filled with water and went down stern foremost— engulfing in her ruin, so far as known, all her passengers but about twenty-five, and a number of her crew. She was running through a dense fog at the time, and when the collision first occurred, the shock was so slight that any serious injury to her hull was not apprehended. It was soon found that two large holes had been made in her, through which the water poured at a rapid rate, and which it was found impossible to close. Captain Luce evinced great coolness and self-possession, nnd a steady determination to share the fate of his ship; but he seems to have lost all command over his crew, most of whom indeed abandoned their duty, seized the boats, and sought to save themselves, regardless of others. An attempt was made to construct a raft, but before it was completed nearly eighty persons, mostly seamen, firemen, waiters, and others employed upon the ship, leaped upon it and perished. The ship had six boats: in four of them some seventy of the crew, officers and men, with about twenty passengers, made their escape; the other two have not, at the date of our writing, been heard from—the hope is cherished that some of the passengers may have been rescued by them. Captain Luce's young son went down with the wreck. Among the lost were the wife, son, and daughter of E. K. Collins, Esq., the projector and principal proprietor of the line; Mrs. Allen, the daughter of Mr. James Brown, another of the owners of the vessel, who also lost a son, daughter, son-in-law, daughter-in-law, and two grandchildren; Edward Sandford, Esq., a distinguished member of the New York bar; the Due de Grammont, an attache of the French Embassy at Washington; Abncr Benedict, Esq., and wife, of New York; R. S. Williams and wife, of Natchez, Miss.; Professor Henry Reed, of the University of Pennsylvania, F. Catherwood, Esq., the distinguished artist, Mr. and Mrs. Mahlon Day, of New York, and a large number of others who were less generally known. Intelligence of the calamity first reached New York on the night of October 10, by the ship Lebanon, which had picked up a boat load of the survivors. The propeller which struck the Arctic reached St. Johns on the 12th with thirtytwo of the Arctic4s crew. This dreadful calamity, the first that has befallen the Collins line of ocean steamers, created the most intense interest throughout the country.

Political movements during the month have been of considerable interest. Elections were held in several States on the 10th of October, of which the general results alone are known. In Pennsylvania, Hon. James Pollock, Whig, has been elected Governor by a majority probably of over ten thousand; and in that State, as well as in Indiana and Ohio, a decided majority of the Congressmen elected are opponents of the Federal Administration. In none of these cases have full or reliable returns been received. In other States the political movements have been preliminary to the elections which are yet to take place. In New York the Whig State Convention was held

at Syracuse on the 20th of September, and adopted resolutions denouncing the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, and assuming that this act, on the part of the South, releases the North from any obligation to admit any new Slave States into the Union. No resolution concerning the Fugitive Slave Law was adopted. Myron H. Clark was nominated for Governor, and Henry J. Raymond for Lieutenant-Governor. On the 26th, the AntiNebraska Convention assembled at Auburn, according to adjournment at Saratoga, and adopted the Whig ticket, as did also the State Temperance Convention, which met at the same place on the 27th. On the 29th, Governor Seymour, at an interview with the State Democratic Committee, signified his willingness to accept the nomination for a re-election—feeling bound to do so, since the Whig party had taken ground against the principles of his Message vetoing the law of last session prohibiting the sale of intoxicating drinks. Judge Bronson, since his nomination, has written two or three letters, in which he declares himself opposed to the passage of a prohibitory law. In Massachusetts a Democratic State Convention met at Lowell on the 26th of September, at which resolutions were adopted re-affirming their adherence to the Baltimore platform of 1852, recognizing conformity to its principles in the administration of President Pierce, and supporting the Bill to organize the territories of Kansas and Nebraska, as cmbodying the great principle of self-government in its application to Territories as well as to States. Henry W. Bishop was nominated for Governor, and Caleb Stetson for Lieutenant-Governor. Agricultural Fairs have been held in New York, Pennsylvania, Kentucky, and other States, during the past month, which have attracted general attention, and been attended with a good deal of interest. Premiums were distributed, addresses delivered, and a stimulus given to the agricultural interest which will undoubtedly be felt in the mcreased production of the several States.

The Rev. Dr. Wainwright, Provisional Bishop of the Episcopal Church in the Diocese of New York, died at his residence in that city on the 21st of September. The Diocesan Convention, which met on the 28th, elected Rev. Horatio Potter, P.D., of Albany, to be his successor. This result was reached after eight ballots, Dr. Potter on the last ballot receiving 97 out of 173 clerical, and 75 out of 147 lay, votes cast. Dr. Wainwright was widely known and universally esteemed as a learned scholar, an able divine, a laborious and faithful bishop, and a gentleman of most excellent personal and social qualities. His successor is admirably qualified to fulfill his duties, and his election has given general satisfaction throughout the diocese. The Right Rev. Dr. Gartland, Roman Catholic Bishop of Georgia, died at Savannah on the 21st September. He was a native of Dublin, and widely esteemed for his learning and piety.

From California our intelligence is to the l6th of September. The State election, which had just taken place, had probably resulted in the triumph of that section of the Democratic party which was opposed to the election of a United States Senator at the last Session of the Legislature. Full returns had not been received, but enough was known to indicate this result. The anniversary of the admission of California into the Union was celebrated on the 9th. The mining operations are generally successful, though difficulty is experienced in some localities from a lack of water. During the first six months of the present year, no less than 10,000 Chinese left the port of Hong Kong for California. They are becoming an important portion of the population, and one which in some respects is undesirable. The grain crops and fruit in California promise to yield abundantly.

From Mexico we have intelligence of the entire suppression of the revolutionary movement on the Rio Grande, to which allusion was made in our last, and also further details of the defeat of the hostile force at Guyamas. The Mexican troops were commanded by General Yanez, who had contrived to make himself popular even among the French commanded by Count Raoussct de Boulbon. In the engagement, which took place early in September, Yanez was completely successful, and immediately liberated 187 whom he had taken prisoners, and whom he sent with $15 each to San Bias. The Mexican Government refused to sanction this lenity, and not only threw the Frenchmen into prison, but disgraced General Yanez. On the 9th of September Count Raoussct de Boulbon was tried by court-martial, and on the 12th was shot in accordance with its sentence.—Santa Anna, on the 11th, issued an address to the soldiers, exhorting them to renewed devotion to the independence of their country, and to the union by which alone it can be preserved. It is said that financial difficulties again begin to embarass the Government. General Cruz, in an official dispatch, gives an account of an action which he fought at Mogotes on the 12th of August, in which he claims to have defeated a rebel force of 300. The British Minister has issued a circular, warning British subjects in Mexico from contributing to the Russian loan.

FRANCE.

Public attention has been in a great degree absorbed by the grand military display at Boulogne, prepared by the Emperor for the purpose of entertaining Prince Albert, the King of Belgium, Pedro, the young King of Portugal, and other distinguished visitors. About one hundred thousand troops were collected at Boulogne. The Emperor on the 3d of September addressed a proclamation to his Army of the North—of which he takes command in person —explaining to them the necessity, in all military operations, of so disposing the troops that they might procure subsistence without exhausting the resources of the country, and at the same time be able to reunite itself promptly on the field of battle. The reviews which took place on the 7th were characterized by great magnificence. The troops now in camp are to be drafted for service in the Eastern war as they may be required.

Prince Czartoryski, the recognized representative of the banished aristocracy of Poland, has issued from Paris an address to his countrymen on their relation to the events which have again involved Europe in war. He says that some of the powers which aided the partition of Poland arc now forced to acknowledge the fatal results of that step to Europe, and to contemplate the advantages of her reestablishment. All Poles, whatever may be their differences concerning internal affairs, agree in the desire for national independence, and in the conviction that if called upon to carry on a contest to secure it, they must have a military government until it shall be decided. This fact, he says, will exclude from admission any party which would disturb their unanimity by a premature discussion of forms of government. When independence shall have been

conquered, the nation alone will have the right of deciding on the form of government she will adopt, and will spontaneously feel the propriety of taking into account the advice of friendly powers. He advises the Poles to remain tranquil until some one of the contending powers shall declare in favor of Polish independence, and form a Polish army under Polish chiefs. Such a course will preserve them from intestine divisions, and do more than can be done in any other way to secure the accomplishment of their highest hopes. SPAIN.

No important changes have occurred in the aspect of Spanish affairs. Queen Christina, whose trial on charges of peculation was universally demanded, left Madrid on the 28th of August, accompanied by her husband and children, for Portugal. There was a riotous popular demonstration against her departure when it first became known, but it subsided without any serious results. A squadron of cavalry was provided as an escort for the Queen, and the garrisons on the route were notified in advance to see her safely from one post to another. The Ministry, soon after she had left the city, published a decree suspending the payment of the pension allotted to her in 1845, detaining all her private property to answer for any charges that may be established against her, and ordering her to quit the kingdom, and await the decision of the Cortes in

regard to her future residence. Serious charges

have been brought by public rumor against Mr. Soule, the American Minister at Madrid. It is alleged that he was directly concerned in instigating the outbreaks which attended the departure of the Queen Mother on the 28th, and that he has distributed among disaffected persons sums of money, which have been raised among the European libererals, for the purpose of exciting an insurrection in Spain. The Spanish Ministry took measures to investigate these charges, but it is not known that they succeeded in obtaining any evidence that could implicate him directly. Mr. Soule left Madrid, after taking formal leave of the Court, on the 30th of August. He had given great offense by a letter, written on the 13th, in reply to an invitation to attend a banquet of the Liberal Press, in which he highly praised the invincible constancy of the friends of Spanish liberty, and assured them that they had only to unite their party in order to achieve a complete and final triumph over the shameful despotism which has so long crushed freedom of thought, and stifled its most legitimate aspirations. He said he hailed with delight the revolution which had succeeded thus far, and only hoped that those who had originated it would carry it forward to still more complete success. Spain may, if she chooses, peacefully consolidate in a few months the liberties which England had only secured by two revolutions. The heart of Young America, he said, would welcome the news of the complete enfranchisement of the Spanish people.

A letter from Ledru Rollin, written at London on the 1st of August, has been published, in which he expresses the opinion that the revolutionary movement in Spain will eventually lead to the proclamationof the republic. Whether this should take place within a few days, or weeks, would depend on circumstances; but he could not doubt that the main desire of the country pointed to that resultMonarchy has been thoroughly tried in Spain, and there can be no desire to perpetuate it. M. Rollin also urges upon the American government the duty of taking an active part in the contests of Europe. and especially of encouraging all liberal republican movements every where. This, he thinks, is the policy dictated alike by principle and by interest.

Apprehensions continue to be expressed in

Spanish journals of designs against Cuba on the part of the United States, and renewed efforts are made by the Spanish government to fortify the isl-1 and against such attempts. The number of Span- j ish troops now in Cuba is stated at twenty thousand infantry, one thousand cavalry, and five or six batteries of artillery.

AUSTRIA AND PRUSSIA. Some further diplomatic correspondence caleulated to throw light on the present relations of Austria and Prussia to the pending war, has been published. Count Ncsselrode, on behalf of the Russian government, in a note dated 30th June, apprised Prussia of the fact, that without sharing the opinions with reference to the occupation of the Principalities as put forward by Austria and participated in by Prussia, the Emperor, nevertheless, out of consideration for the special interests of Austria and Germany on the Danube, and the peculiar nature of the obligations which the Courts of Vienna and Berlin have entered into with the Western Powers in the Protocol of April 9, had agreed to withdraw from the Principalities, and to enter into negotiations for peace on the basis of the three main principles laid down in that protocol, or at least to pave the way for such negotiations by agreeing to a truce; securities, however, would be required as a preliminary step. On the 24th of July, Manteuffel, the Prussian Secretary, issued a circular note to the allied courts, in which this offer of the Czar was recommended to their earnest and favorable consideration. He expressed the hope that the English government would "consider with calmness and impartiality the late overture of Russia—that it will remember there are sufficient grounds to conclude on its side upon the points before it—and that it may in this manner assist the real intentions of the several go vernments, which are to make their views clear, and to cast out uncertainty as to the points which are the objects of the war." And he felt the greater confidence in this expectation from the fact that the Russian explanation, so far as it refers to the protocol of the 9th of April, sets up three definite principles—namely, the integrity of Turkey, the evacuation of the Principalities, and the security of the municipal and religious rights of all the Christian subjects of the Porte. Now, these three principles constitute the substance of the guarantees which the protocol, by the care of the Powers, recommends in order to bind the Ottoman Empire with the greater firmness to the European system. On the 21st of July, Count Buol, on behalf of Austria, also issued the circular instructions of that government to its agents at Paris and London, in regard to this offer of Russia. The common aim of all the Powers, he said, had been the re-establishment of a solid and durable peace— one which, by re-establishing the rights of the Porte, should give to Europe guarantees against the recurrence of perturbations, such as those which disturb it so profoundly at the present moment. The importance of the interests which are associated with the object is so great, that he was convinced no Power would willingly expose itself to the reproach of having neglected any means whatever likely to bring about a good understanding. The lielltgerant Powers would, therefore, feel it their duty to cxamiiu; ihese questions carefully and conscientiously, in order to see if the reply of the Cab

inet of St. Petersburg docs not contain some germ of conciliation that might lead to the preparation of a definitive pacification.

On the 10th of August the Austrian Secretary addressed a note to the Austrian Minister in St. Petersburg, rehearsing his efforts to impress upon the Western Powers the fact that the proposition of Russia might, if properly received, lead to negotiations for the re-establishment of peace. He was compelled to admit, however, that the impression produced in both England and France had not come up to his expectations. Both in Paris and London, he says, the continued stay of the Russian troops on the Turkish territory seemed to deprive of its chief worth the Russian accession to the principles laid down in the protocol of April 9. The Cabinets of France and England persist m looking on the evacuation of the Principalities as the preliminary condition of every arrangement, and express their astonishment at the assertion of Count Ncsselrode that the integrity of the Ottoman Empire would not be threatened by Russia as long as it was respected by the Powers that at this moment occupy the waters and the territory of the Sultan. These Cabinets repudiate energetically the analogy which the dispatch of the Russian Chancellor of the Empire seems to be desirous of drawing between the presence of the allied troops, which were invited by the Sublime Porte, and in virtue of a diplomatic document, the effects of which were to be determined by common consent, and the fact of the march of the Russian army into the Ottoman territory. They furthermore complain that the Russian Government should have avoided all reference to the guarantees which they feel bound to require against a return on the part of Russia to new acts of violence that threaten the equilibrium of Europe. The sacrifices they have already made are too considerable to warrant them in withdrawing their forces before they have attained a certainty that they will not soon be compelled to renew the war. On these grounds the maritime powers feel compelled to reject any proposition, the object of which should be to promote a speedy cessation of hostilities on their part. They had, however, communicated the guarantees which seemed indispensable to peace negotiations; and they were substantially the revision of the existing treaties between Russia and Turkey, the discontinuance of the Russian protectorate, and the freedom of the Danube and the Black Sea. These, Count Buol said, were the consequences of the principles laid down and acceded to by Russia in the protocol of ^pril 9, and Austria, therefore, could not do otherwise than recommend them most warmly for serious and mature deliberation.

In a note dated the 26th of August, Count Ncsselrode distinctly and emphatically rejects these proposals, and charges Austria with bad faith for having consented to make them. He declares that in retiring from the Principalities, out of consideration for the wishes of Austria and of Germany, Russia had confidently hoped that Austria would cease to make common cause with the Western Powers for the avowed object of reducing the strength and influence of the Russian empire. But how was she disappointed when she found that the next stop of Austria was to give her assent to the ulterior condition of the Western Powers—conditions involving the abrogation of all former treaties, the destruction of all the Russian naval establishments, and the restriction of the power of Russia in the Black Sea, and to bind herself to treat on no other conditions! Russia therefore complains that she has obtained from Austria no compensation for the sacrifice she affects to have made; but that, at the very moment when her troops are leaving the Principalities, the Cabinet of Vienna enters into closer and more extensive engagements with the other belligerent Powers, her enemies. Upon the receipt of this reply a'couucil of the Austrian Cabinet was held, at which it was decided not to consider the rejection of its proposals as a casus belli on the part of Russia.

The correspondence, of which we have thus given so full a summary, shows that the German Powers persevere in their policy of absolute neutrality, but that they are becoming involved in fresh difficulties thereby with the Western Powers. In her note of the 10th of August, Austria substantially presented her ultimatum to Russia, urging the demands of the Western Powers, assenting to them as the only conditions on which peace could be restored, and pledging her co-operation in the endeavor to secure them. They arc peremptorily rejected by Russia; and yet Austria declines to quit her position of neutrality. It is obvious that it can not much longer be maintained.

THE EASTERN WAR.

The reports alluded to in our last Record have been confirmed, and steps have actually been taken for an offensive movement by the invasion of the Crimea for the purpose of effecting the reduction of Sebastopol. The enterprise has been officially announced in an order of the day issued at Varna, on the 25th of August, by Marshal de St. Arnaud. The moment, he says, has come to fight and conquer. As the Russian troops have retired from the Danube Providence summons them to the Crimea and to Sebastopol, the seat of Russian power, within whose walls they are going to seek the guaranty of peace, and of their return to their firesides. The enterprise is to be attempted by the most formidable military and naval apparatus the world has ever seen. The allied fleets, with their three thousand guns and twenty-five thousand seamen, will bear to the Crimea an immense army made up of English, French, and Turkish troops. The expedition was to consist of one hundred thousand men. Intelligence had been received of the landing of fifty-eight thousand at Eupatoria, on the 14th of September, without encountering any resistance. They had started immediately for Sebastopol, which was distant about fifty miles.- The campaign in the Baltic is at an end for the present, and the British squadron is about to return. The fortresses of Bomarsund were blown up by the Allies on the 1st of September. On the Danube no events of importance have taken place. The Russians had entirely evacuated Wallachia and crossed the Sereth, burning the bridges behind them. The evacuation of Moldavia is also complete. The Austrians have entered Bucharest, and the commander has presented Omer Pacha with a formal demand, calling upon him to withdraw the Turkish army from the Principalities. To this the latter replied by a note, stating at some length his refusal.

CHINA.

From China we have intelligence of the visit of the United States ship Susquehanna to Nankin, with the American Commissioner, Mr. M'Lane, on board, for the purpose of procuring information in regard to the progress and character of the revolution, which still continues to make progress. Mr. M'Lane proposed an interview with the celebrated

leader of the rebellion, but declined to comply with the demands of the latter in regard to the ceremonies by which it was to be regulated. The whole of China, and especially the seaports, continue to be greatly disturbed by the movements and apprehensions of the rebels. Shanghai, the principal port for foreign trade, continues in their hands, and was besieged by the Imperialists, who make, however, but little progress toward its reduction. Letters from the late Commissioner, Mr. Marshall, to the Government at Washington, have recently been published, in which he gives at length his views of the revolution and of its leaders. He thinks there is no ground for believing that the new order, if it shall be successfully established, will be any more favorable to a liberal intercourse with other nations than the present. The new chief, he says, proposes no broader basis for the government than that occupied by the present Emperor. The rumor that he is in any degree friendly to Christianity Mr. Marshall believes to be utterly without foundation. He will maintain the ancient customs and religion of the Empire, preserve the etiquette of the Court, and seek to conform as nearly as possible to the prejudices and prepossessions of the people. His real troubles will begin when he endeavors to levy taxes, or make any change in the civil government of the country. Thus far he has met no formidable resistance, and has attempted no exercise of authority. Mr. Marshall sees no sign of progress or improvement for China in this rebellion: he regards it as merely a war of factions contending for power, and as only the harbinger of a storm which is soon to overwhelm the commerce, industrial interests, and whatever there is of attainment and civilization in China. Long years of civil war must succeed the overthrow of the existing dynasty before order and good government can be restored. Mr. M. says he would prefer the chance of securing important changes of policy, on the part of China, from the fears and hopes of the reigning Emperor, to the prospect of introducing them simultaneously with the rule of a new dynasty. He is very earnest in warning the Government of the United States against being led into false notions concerning the progress of the rebellion, in which he declares none of the substantial business portion of the Chinese people have taken any part, and with which ther have no sympathy. Missionaries and political dreamers, who see events through the discolored medium of their hopes, may represent the evangelization of China and the establishment of republican equality, of free trade, and other political advantages, as certain to result from this war; but he warns the administration that these are unsafe and extravagant conclusions. He sees nothing to induce the United States to depart, in any particular, from the poiicy it has hitherto pursued, except to urge the residence of their Commissioner at the capital of the Empire. This point once secured, will lead of necessity to free intercourse between the capital and the consular ports, and thus gradually to the opening of the whole Empire to travel, either for business or pleasure.—These views, on Mr. Marshall's part, are of the more importance from the fact, that they differ very widely from the opinions expressed by nearly all others who have written on the subject. Mr. M., during his stay in China, became involved in controversies with Commodore Perry, Commodore Aulick, Dr. Parker, and others with whom he came in official contact; but the details of these collisions are not of sufficient interest to be embodied in this Record.

THE TRUE SOURCES OF OUR NATIONAL STRENGTH.—The thoughtful minds of our country have not failed to notice that there is a growing disposition among us to investigate the causes of our national prosperity. We begin to have an American Philosophy. If not original in spirit, it is distinct in its sphere, seeking to analyze the different elements that have combined to form our social organization, and to determine the laws of their relations. A general comprehension of our political strength no longer satisfies us. The time has come for us to penetrate deeper than the surface. Once, it was sufficient for us to rest in those great ideas which the past bequeathed. They addressed our noblest sentiments; they were connected with our most venerated names, and surrounded with the most splendid associations of our history. But the age has called us to a higher task. We feel it incumbent on us to examine into the foundation of these principles, to know their reasons, to measure their claims to Providential agencies by applying the standard of experience. Nor is this at all surprising. The same circumstances that stimulate the imagination—that give birth to poetry and eloquence in the opening stages of national life, soon take a serencr form, and awaken the philosophic intellect. If it is necessary for us to have the truth in the glowing style of beauty and sublimity, it is equally necessary to have it in the substantial shape of abstract science. For in this way its circle is completed. Its various phases pictured upon the firmament, can thus become objects of study; and the orator, poet, philosopher, standing side by side, and happy in a common fellowship, can each contribute his share to the stock of national wisdom.

Not every season is fitted to this work. Periods of struggle, agitation, and convulsion, demand men of quick and fiery temperaments—men of muscle— men of heroic action. But in the breathing-times of the world, when a gentler spirit is abroad, and a Sabbath atmosphere covers the landscape, the offices of meditation may be indulged. It is then that our best thoughts are born of the revolving hours— that patriotism and philanthropy enjoy a peaceful festival, and visions of a restored and perfected humanity ascend above the horizon of the future. Brief they may be; but they are long enough to bear witness to the mercy that sent them to our faith and hope. What is more short-lived than the rainbow? And yet, what is a surer token of Infinite truth and love? Like those hues, painted on the moving air, the lustre of these tranquil moments may pass away, but, like them, their lesson of promise and pledge may remain, to allay our fears and animate our exertions.

It may not be that we have just such a season at present. But, comparatively, we live in an era favorable to a correct appreciation of the main elements of our national character. Whatever attributes of strength belong to us have been brought if.it in full development. The sources of our weakness, too, have been shown. All our characteristics have had an opportunity to demonstrate themselves. The line of movement has been clearly and broadly drawn. If the extent of our action is hidden in the future, its nature, modes, and purposes have been fairly unfolded. Americanism is now a well-defined thing. It is embodied before the world—not merely

in institutions, in policies, in governmental usages, but in established opinions, in the heartfelt creed of the people, in permanent reverence for the Christian idea of democracy, and the rights, immunities, prerogatives which it represents. Where we are, what we are, and what we expect to be, can not be mistaken. If it might be a poetic exaggeration to speak of Freedom as the Angel of the Apocalypse, standing in the midst of the sun, and clothed with its gorgeous effulgence, it is still permitted us to say that its position is central and commanding. A great sentiment is indeed incapable of a perfect manifestation in outward forms. By its grandeur it transcends the limits of expression, and leaves the imagination a large field for the play of conjecture. But in our history, the doctrines of republican liberty have been translated into so many interests, touched active life at so many points, and spread themselves over so vast a surface, that the most practical understanding can not fail to penetrate their divine meaning. The student of political science, if he turns to other countries, is compelled to engage his mind chiefly with the debates of parliaments, the intrigues of diplomacy, the decisions of courts, the decrees of sovereigns. But here, the magnificence of the government is not apparent, since the government itself is the least prominent and ostensible. Our true philosophy—our strength —our pride, come forth most significantly in the freedom and force of personal life. The marts of commerce—the thoroughfares of trade, where every man demonstrates the value of his citizenship, and graduates his worth on the open scale of nature— here is the practical congress of the land. One of our thriving cities, full of eager enterprise, buoyant with young blood and clastic with fresh nerves, abreast with the age, and pressing forward with those impulses which the century is driving through every channel of plodding care or ambitious hope: one such city, with its happy homes and hallowed altars, with its manifold ministries of watchful service, and its multitudinous means of fellowship and communion, is a richer, better, nobler exponent of our national ideas than all the statute-books of the country. It is not what the institutions of our land have made U3, but what they have allowed us to make ourselves, that constitutes their highest glory. Man carries power within him. It is in his blood, his brain, his spirit. Every sense is its servant ; every angel is its friend. If used as his own gift, sacred by original endowment and anointed in the priesthood of the universe, it can not miss its honors or lose its rewards. And this is what our political economy has permitted us to do. It has not conferred prerogatives or privileges, but it has given us to ourselves. It has acknowledged the position of man, as man, and left him to fulfill his own destiny. The results of his prudence and skill —the sagacity that foresees, and the tact that executes; the fruits of toil and intrepidity; the household benefits, gladdening and sanctifying human existence, are now before us, as the legitimate products of wise government. All nations make this revelation of their character sooner or later; ours, fortunate in its freedom, has anticipated the lapse of years, and portrayed its grandeur by aggregating the most matchless resources within the scope of a single century.

What then is the secret of American character?

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