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Black Sea, and to bind herself to treat on no other conditions! Russia therefore complains that she has obtained from Austria no compensation for the sacrifice she affects to have made; but that, at the very moment when her troops are leaving the Principalities, the Cabinet of Vienna enters into closer and more extensive engagements with the other belligerent Powers, her enemies. Upon the receipt of this reply arcouncil of the Austrian Cabinet was held, at which it was decided not to consider the rejection of its proposals as a casus belli on the part of Russia.

The correspondence, of which we have thus given so full a summary, shows that the German Powers persevere in their policy of absolute neutrality, but that they are becoming involved in fresh difficulties thereby with the Western Powers. In her note of the 10th of August, Austria substantially presented her ultimatum to Russia, urging the demands of the "Western Powers, assenting to them as the only conditions on which peace could be restored, and pledging her co-operation in the endeavor to secure them. They arc peremptorily rejected by Russia; and yet Austria declines to quit her position of neutrality. It is obvious that it can not much longer be maintained.


The reports alluded to in our last Record have been confirmed, and steps have actually been taken for an offensive movement by the invasion of the Crimea for the purpose of effecting the reduction of Sebastopol. The enterprise has been officially announced in an order of the day issued at Vama, on the 25th of August, by Marshal de St. Arnaud. The moment, he says, has come to fight and conquer. As the Russian troops have retired from the Danube Providence summons them to the Crimea and to Sebastopol, the seat of Russian power, within whose walls they are going to seek the guaranty of peace, and of their return to their firesides. The enterprise is to bo attempted by the most formidable military and naval apparatus the world has ever seen. The allied fleets, with their three thousand guns and twenty-five thousand seamen, will bear to the Crimea an immense army made up of English, French, and Turkish troops. The expedition was to consist of one hundred thousand men. Intelligence had been received of the landing of fifty-eight thousand at Eupatoria, on the 14th of September, without encountering any resistance. They had started immediately for Sebastopol, which

was distant about fifty miles. The campaign in

the Baltic is at an end for the present, and the British squadron is about to return. The fortresses of Bomarsund were blown up by the Allies on the 1st of September. Onthe Danube no events of importance have taken place. The Russians had entirely evacuated Walluchia and crossed the Sereth, burning the bridges behind them. The evacuation of Moldavia is also complete. The Austrians have entered Bucharest, and the commander has presented Omer Pacha with a formal demand, calling upon him to withdraw the Turkish army from the Principalities. To this the latter replied by a note, stating at some length his refusal.


From China we have intelligence of the visit of the United States ship Susquehanna to Nankin, with the American Commissioner, Mr. M'Lane, on board, for the purpose of procuring information in regard to the progress and character of the revolution, which still continues to make progress. Mr. M'Lane proposed an interview with the celebrated

leader of the rebellion, but declined to comply with the demands of the latter in regard to the ceremonies by which it was to be regulated. The whole of China, and especially the seaports, continue to be greatly disturbed by the movements and apprehensions of the rebels. Shanghai, the principal port for foreign trade, continues in their hands, and was besieged by the Imperialists, who make, however, but little progress toward its reduction. Letters from the late Commissioner, Mr. Marshall, to the Government at Washington, have recently been published, in which he gives at length his views of the revolution and of its leaders. He thinks there is no ground for believing that the new order, if it shall be successfully established, will be any more favorable to a liberal intercourse with other nations than the present. The new chief, he says, proposes no broader basis for the government than that occupied by the present Emperor. The rumor that he is in any degree friendly to Christianity Mr. Marshall believes to be utterly without foundation. He will maintain the ancient customs and religion of the Empire, preserve the etiquette of the Court, and seek to conform as nearly as possible to the prejudices and prepossessions of the people. His real troubles will begin when he endeavors to levy taxes, or make any change in the civil government of the country. Thus far he has met no formidable resistance, and has attempted no exercise of authority. Mr. Marshall sees no sign of progress or improvement for China in this rebellion: he regards it as merely a war of factions contending for power, and as only the harbinger of a storm which is soon to overwhelm the commerce, industrial interests, and whatever there is of attainment and civilization in China. Long years of civil war must succeed the overthrow of the existing dynasty before order and good government can be restored. Mr. M. says he would prefer the chance of securing important changes of policy, on the part of China, from the fears and hopes of the reigning Emperor, to the prospect of introducing them simultaneously with the rule of a new dynasty. He is very earnest in warning the Government of the United States against being led into false notions concerning the progress of the rebellion, in which he declares none of the substantial business portion of the Chinese people have taken any part, and with which ther have no sympathy. Missionaries and political dreamers, who see events through the discolored medium of their hopes, may represent the evangelization of China and the establishment of republican equality, of free trade, and other political advantages, as certain to result from this war; but he warns the administration that these are unsafe and extravagant conclusions. He sees nothing to induce the United States to depart, in any particular, from the policy it has hitherto pursued, except to urge the residence of their Commissioner at the capital of the Empire. This point once secured, will lead of necessity to free intercourse between the capital and the consular ports, and thus gradually to the opening of the whole Empire to travel, either for business or pleasure.—These views, on Mr. Marshall's part, are of the more importance from the fact, that they differ very widely from the opinions expressed by nearly all others who have written on the subject. Mr. M., during his stay in China, became involved in controversies with Commodore Perry, Commodore Aulick, Dr. Parker, and others with whom he came in official contact; but the details of these collisions are not of sufficient interest to be embodied in this Record.

THE TRUE SOURCES OF OUR NATIONAL STRENGTH.—The thoughtful minds of our country have not failed to notice that there is a growing disposition among us to investigate the causes of our national prosperity. We begin to have an American Philosophy. If not original in spirit, it is distinct in its sphere, seeking to analyze the different elements that have combined to form our social organization, and to determine the laws of their relations. A general comprehension of our political strength no longer satisfies us. The time has come for us to penetrate deeper than the surface. Once, it was sufficient for us to rest in those great ideas which the past bequeathed. They addressed our noblest sentiments; they were connected with our most venerated names, and surrounded with the most splendid associations of our history. But the age has called us to a higher task. We feel it incumbent on us to examine into the foundation of these principles, to know their reasons, to measure their claims to Providential agencies by applying the standard of experience. Nor is this at all surprising. The same circumstances that stimulate the imagination—that give birth to poetry and eloquence in the opening stages of national life, soon take a serencr form, and awaken the philosophic intellect. If it is necessary for us to have the truth in the glowing style of beauty and sublimity, it is equally necessary to have it in the substantial shape of abstract science. For in this way its circle is completed. Its various phases pictured upon the firmament, can thus become objects of study; and the orator, poet, philosopher, standing side by side, and happy in a common fellowship, can each contribute his share to the stock of national wisdom.

Not every season is fitted to this work. Periods of struggle, agitation, and convulsion, demand men of quick and fiery temperaments—men of muscle— men of heroic action. But in the breathing-times of the world, when a gentler spirit is abroad, and a Sabbath atmosphere covers the landscape, the offices of meditation may be indulged. It is then that our best thoughts are born of the revolving hours— that patriotism and philanthropy enjoy a peaceful festival, and visions of a restored and perfected humanity ascend above the horizon of the future. Brief they may be; but they are long enough to bear witness to the mercy that sent them to our faith and hope. What is more short-lived than the rainbow? And yet, what is a surer token of Infinite truth and love? Like those hues, painted on the moving air, the lustre of these tranquil moments may pass away, but, like them, their lesson of promise and pledge may remain, to allay our fears and animate our exertions.

It may not be that we have just such a season at present. But, comparatively, we live in an era favorable to a correct appreciation of the main elements of our national character. Whatever attributes of strength belong to us have been brought if.it in full development. The sources of our weakness, too, have been shown. All our characteristics have had an opportunity to demonstrate themselves. The line of movement has been clearly and broadly drawn. If the extent of our action is hidden in the future, its nature, modes, and purposes have been fairly unfolded. Americanism is now a well-defined thing. It is embodied before the world—not merely

in institutions, in policies, in governmental usages, but in established opinions, in the heartfelt creed of the people, in permanent reverence for the Christian idea of democracy, and the rights, immunities, prerogatives which it represents. Where we are, what we are, and what we expect to be, can not be mistaken. If it might be a poetic exaggeration to speak of Freedom as the Angel of the Apocalypse, standing in the midst of the sun, and clothed with its gorgeous effulgence, it is still permitted us to say that its position is central and commanding. A great sentiment is indeed incapable of a perfect manifestation in outward forms. By its grandeur it transcends the limits of expression, and leaves the imagination a large field for the play of conjecture. But in our history, the doctrines of republican liberty have been translated into so many interests, touched active life at so many points, and spread themselves over so vast a surface, that the most practical understanding can not fail to penetrate their divine meaning. The student of political science, if he turns to other countries, is compelled to engage his mind chiefly with the debates of parliaments, the intrigues of diplomacy, the decisions of courts, the decrees of sovereigns. But here, the magnificence of the government is not apparent, since the government itself is the least prominent and ostensible. Our true philosophy—our strength —our pride, come forth most significantly in the freedom and force of personal life. The marts of commerce—the thoroughfares of trade, where every man demonstrates the value of his citizenship, and graduates his worth on the open scale of nature— here is the practical congress of the land. One of our thriving cities, full of eager enterprise, buoyant with young blood and clastic with fresh nerves, abreast with the age, and pressing forward with those impulses which the century is driving through every channel of plodding care or ambitious hope: one such city, with its happy homes and hallowed altars, with its manifold ministries of watchful service, and its multitudinous means of fellowship and communion, is a richer, better, nobler exponent of our national ideas than all the statute-books of the country. It is not what the institutions of our land have made U3, but what they have allowed us to make ourselves, that constitutes their highest glory. Man carries power within him. It is in his blood, his brain, his spirit. Every sense is its servant ; every angel is its friend. If used as his own gift, sacred by original endowment and anointed in the priesthood of the universe, it can not miss its honors or lose its rewards. And this is what our political economy has permitted us to do. It has not conferred prerogatives or privileges, but it has given us to ourselves. It has acknowledged the position of man, as man, and left him to fulfill his own destiny. The results of his prudence and skill —the sagacity that foresees, and the tact that executes; the fruits of toil and intrepidity; the household benefits, gladdening and sanctifying human existence, are now before us, as the legitimate products of wise government. All nations make this revelation of their character sooner or later; ours, fortunate in its freedom, has anticipated the lapse of years, and portrayed its grandeur by aggregating the most matchless resources within the scope of a single century.

What then is the secret of American character? One specifies the moral tone of our early mind; another cites our inherent love of liberty; a third dwells on Anglo-Saxon hardihood and persistency; a fourth fastens on a wonderful concurrence of circumstances. There are not wanting those who attribute every thing to the interposition of Providence, while others regard the race of mankind as having educated itself up to the murk of an advanced civilization. Such generalizations are partial and incomplete. Whatever truth may belong to them, it is certain that they have not the whole truth. Nor arc they in harmony with the methods of nature. A single phase of character—a set of agencies, limited by its individuality and confined to its own instinctive operations, never effects vast ends. Where there has been a solitary outworking of one predominating and overmastering element, no high and consistent civilization has ever been attained. The reason is obvious. Human nature is a complex thing. It has soul, spirit, body. It has numerous sentiments, passions, affections. A thousand ties unite it to a thousand objects. Its relations, reaching from the clod beneath its feet to the Throne beyond its vision, and encircling every form of existence earthly and divine; its wants, large enough to exhaust universal creation; its intuitive aspirations, yearning for undiscovered realms of beauty, and panting for the home of Eternal Blessedness; all these are to be met, answered, gratified. And hence, there must be an eclectic action in all its grandest movements. There must be a rich exchequer to satisfy its demands, or it is a wretched bankrupt. The world must have a law of union, a law of combination, a law that blends parts into a whole; otherwise, the race must perish as a mockery and be forgotten as nothingness. It is this law, instituted by the Creator and directed by His providence, that has formed American character. But for its sway, never more sovereign than when least perceived, we should have had no history, no experience. Our forefathers were actuated by the same motives, and they sought, with singular integrity and sympathy, the same ends. But, in various respects, they were unlike one another. Tho water no sooner falls from the clouds and enters the earth, than it is impregnated with new ingredients; and just so, the same impulses, stirring the hearts of men and shaping their deeds, may be modified by the peculiarities of personal character. Looking back to the days when our independence was achieved, we see the representatives of North and South—the Puritan on the one side—the Cavalier, the Huguenot, and the Scotch-Irish on the other— standing firmly and closely together in the mighty struggle. They had strong points of similarity; they had strong points of antagonism; and yet, changed into oneness by the solid front which they opposed to British aggression, and leagued for the achievement of liberty, they presented a massive completeness such as has never been witnessed. Deficient in numbers, in resources, in all the auxiliary instruments of resistance, they were yet a tremendous host by the facility with which they could interact on each other. It was their moral power no less than physical bravery that Iwro them triumphantly through that unequal conflict. And how could that power have been generated, how could it have suffered so long and so patiently, how could it, at last, have entered meekly and honorably on the possession of its hard-won heritage, but for the fact that each contributed its ideas, sentiments, and passions—its whole and hearty self—to the emergency of the occasion? Whether Virginia or

Massachusetts spoke first for freedom, need not now be examined. Wherever the inspiring lone was earliest rung out on the echoing continent, it was heard, felt, and obeyed by all. Our success was the result, not of mere union, but of such an union as the co-operating and combining elements created. Each brought what the other needed. If the impulses of one part were fiery, they excited the colder nature of the more stern and caleulating. If one section relied on principles, the other trusted to those ardent instincts that burn their way to victory. There was commerce to be protected; there were agricultural interests to be guarded. Every sort of independent life—merchants at their business and planters on their estates—gave its glowing and earnest impulse to the effort. Philosophy pondered and chivalry aroused. But Providence blended all together. Out of the union came a harmonious result. Had the Puritans determined the contest, we might have had a liberty disfigured by local tastes and religious exactions. If the Cavalier had triumphed alone, his warm fancy and hot blood might have over-stirnulated our intenser feelings. Had tho Huguenot and Scotch-I rish been left out of the st ruggle, we should have felt the absence of the highminded bearing of the former, and the bold, impassioned emphasis of the latter. As circumstances directed this wonderful blending, a paramount object subordinated all sectional peculiarities—all the diversified modes of thought and action—and made every kind of individuality tributary to the sublime end. A magnificent sanctuary of Freedom has been built by their joint labors. Not this one can claim the merit of its vast rotunda and swelling dome— capacious for millions—nor that one its uplifted altars, where the noblest ministry of earthly citizenship swings high the censer, filled with the fragrant offerings of a glad a.id grateful people. But as in Solomon's Temple, that adorned the brow of Moriah, there were gifts from all climes and treasures from all lands; as the Tyrian gave his purple and the Canaanite his toil—as Lebanon yielded its cedar and Ophir its gold, to honor the abode of the Majesty of the universe, so here, amidst the grandeur of a reserved continent, the elect minds of the noblest nations have erected a Temple in which patriotism may nourish its hopes and philanthropy advance to meet the future, leaning upon the arm of Jehovah.

The progress of our country has illustrated the truth, that, in political science, wo owe the beneficent working of our government to the same causes which gave a fortunate issue to the war for independence. It must not be forgotten that the Puritan and the Cavalier had each his marked characteristies. The former had been deeply wronged in the mother country. His ancestry had been oppressed, his ministers dishonored, his rights sacrificed, his affections crushed, his conscience derided. There was no sort of power that did not array itself against him. Literature satirized and authority insulted him. No wonder, therefore, that he organized astern protest against England. Loyal ho was, but nevertheless ho legislated the past into his system, and always acted in full view of all he had endured and suffered. His object was to guard himself against any recurrence of those ovils which he had borne; and hence, while his doctrines embodied ancient grievances, they looked to provisions for the future. To some extent, they anticipated circumstances. On the other hand, the Cavalier was sincerely attached to Royalty in the State and Prelacy in the Church. He had no a priori theory —no system to forestall the operation of events-4no preoccupancy of mind with a favorite ideal of government. His whole nature was open to the sway of circumstances. The plastic agency of time, never so valuable as in shaping political institutions, was perfectly free to control him. Owing to these causes, it must be obvious, on philosophical grounds, that the Puritan and the Cavalier, types of Northern and Southern character, could not occupy in all things precisely the same level in political matters. The leading sentiment of Republicanism was the same in both; but in its minute applications, in organic arrangements, to execute its general principle, they could not but differ. Puritanism leaned toward a strong government. It wished the central authority to be as energetic as it could be in consistency with popular rights. It felt that universal sovereignty was an experiment; and hence, it endeavored to set up rigid safeguards around the free institutions of the country. But the Cavalier advocated the simplest and most restricted form of government. The trustworthiness of the people was one of his prominent ideas. He was jealous of consolidated power. Once free, he was free indeed. If he had any aristocratic tendencies in his nature, they never showed themselves in regard to popular liberty; but turning their full force toward Federal sovereignty, he exerted all his ability to establish such an economy as should be most in harmony with local and personal rights. The interaction of these sentiments—their final affinity, their perfect adjustment in the shape of Federal and State sovereignties—is one of the most remarkable triumphs of wisdom in the annals of political science. A broad foundation, on which both sections of the country could stand, was secured; neither surrendered any thing vital. The peculiarities of their views grew out of the peculiarities of character, position, and interests ; and while they were not distinct enough to render them irreconcilable parties on the great issue before them, they were just sufficiently marked to create a safe and healthy antagonism. There was not such antipathy as to generate malignant discord: there was only that degree of diversity which is necessary for unity. If, therefore, we contemplate their work in the constitution of these States, do we see the Puritan or the Cavalier? Is it a portraiture of either? The manhood of both—the essential manhood that Republicanism has liberalized and Christianity exalted—the wise and generous manhood that accepts life as a compromise, and society as a continuous interchange of individual and general feelings—the manhood of noble sentiments and lofty impulses, is the first and last impression it produces. It has Northern and Southern principles, but they arc subordinated to universal ends. As one studies its doctrines, he observes the beautiful indications of rural polities learned amidst the open scenes of nature. The spirit of the fields, where freemen walked in the conscious strength of independence, and fell the high destiny awaiting them, is in its provisory restraints. But it is not alone. The necessities of trade and commerce, the wants of compact cities, the active industry of the North, are all here in fair, full acknowledgment. It is a latent prophecy of whatever the South shall need for the security of her homes, the prosperity of her agriculture, the enjoyment of her tropical blessings. It is equally a token of all that is requisite for the North in the exercise of her hardy enterprise, in the stretch of her vigorous muscles, in her conquests over stubborn soils and ice-bound seas. It recognizes man

as the creature of circumstances—it recognizes him as a being of permanent relations. Its faith is the faith of equal citizenship. Its inspiration is the dictate of perfect patriotism. Its sanctity covers the country as a country; and wherever there is a right to be protected or a wrong to be avenged— wherever there is a legitimate interest to be upheld or a common obstacle to be removed—wherever there is an American thought to be honored or an American hope to be encouraged, there it exerts Us influence, gives law to opinion, subdues prejudice, and establishes the reign of common brotherhood.

If we turn to the social forms of American civilization, we see the some law of diversified action and mutual support. The respective elements of life, North and South, are indeed the same, so far as innate constitution is concerned. But these elements are variously organized. Human natute is easily modified. It is not absolutely necessary to introduce new ingredients to effect great distinctions in character. The same principles and passions— if left to themselves, or put beneath the sway of external circumstances—may bo arranged so as to give the ascendency to opposite faculties. All thinking men know that it is not the sentiments we cherish, but those to which we allow prominence, and which fall in with our individual biases, that decide the force or weakness of character. It has been so in the social developments of our country. The original differences of the colonists, drawing around them local institutions, and moulded into individual and sectional shapes of striking contrast, have continued to operate. The intellect of the South has never been theoretic or imaginative. It has not been perplexed by traditionary ideas or enslaved to precedents. Whenever it has had to grapple with momentous questions, to strike out new paths, to adapt the fortunes of empire to the emergencies of stirring occasions, to direct thought or communicate impulse, it has never failed to win the highest credit for sagacity and intelligence. Its common sense is bold, because it is spontaneous; and its passions, earnest, single-aimed, and impetuous, always sustain its decisions. Literature has never been suffered to destroy its nativo freshness, nor the enjoyment of books to supplant its inherent tendencies. Its consciousness is acute and vivid. Once possessed of an idea, or consecrated to a purpose, it will stand fearlessly forward against the world, and defy reproach and assault. Its predominant sentiment is the love of personal independence. Find it as you may, it seems to be instinctively assured of its natural birthright. Without any argument, it takes itself and its position for granted, and asserts its inborn dignity with an entire indifference to whatever prejudices it may offend. Its social affections are tender, strong, and permanent. Hospitality is a religious virtue, and kindness a paramount law. His ancestors are dear to the Southerner, but he holds no public festival to celebrate their virtues. Seated around his fireside, you will hear him expatiate on their worth until every tone is eloquent with truthful love. Beyond this he cares not to go. The praise of the world is a matter of cool indifference, and he is perfectly content to rest in what his forefathers are to his own heart. Public opinion is never a terror to him. If he respects and obeys its laws, it is because it echoes his own convictions. He lives in no conventional atmosphere; he can not tolerate interference; nor can he bear excess of fellowship. Intercourse must leave him as it found him—a free, fearless, decided man. If he can gratify his taste, he wilt have his house in a large lot or secluded in the country. With all his sociability he loves space. A wide horizon is as necessary to his happiness as it is to the beauty of a landscape. There is very much of the Anglo-Saxon in him, but there are other peculiarities besides. The neighborhood of the tropies ; the bold and unfettered life he leads; the exposure to frontier-danger which he so long experienced; the habits of authority and control belonging to his position, have all acted on his temperament and history.

The genuine type of Northern mind is quite different. Its operations arc slower; its steps are more cautious. Logic or its substitutes must be consulted on all occasions. Its respect for education is so sincere and profound, that it deprecates every thing outside of certain rules. A main article in its creed is, that man is to be formed and fitted for human life; and hence, wherever it can command means to contribute to this end, it is sure to seize them with earnest solicitude. Its capacity to receive and reproduce ideas is singularly great. Never forsaking its own ground, never yielding its own distinctive tastes, it can yet learn of French and German, and, moreover, beat them on their own field, if it happen to be intent on rivalry. Its perceptions are quick; its reflections are deliberate and well-timed. When it gets through the hurry of sensation, it is disposed to ponder thoroughly and decide correctly. All its faculties are exceedingly active; and yet they generate little heat in their movements. Muscle predominates over nerve. It has a sharp eye for all sorts of expedients, and a prompt step for all just advantages. Not strikingly original in the higher realms of thought, it nevertheless delights to pursue metaphysies with Jonathan Edwards, to reward the labors of Bowditch, and to honor the gigantic understanding of Webster. Full of sharp points and angularities, it has a hospitable brain for all manner of speculative inquiry. Its best scholars have a chivalric love of truth, that impels them in every direction where it is possible to find the least degree of success. The exactness of physical science and the boundless mysteries of transcendentalism are both weleomed. It has the sense of property in every thing. Beauty and utility are loved and cherished. If an iceberg could bo used, it would certainly bo arrested in its southward floating; and the next moment were a troop of angels to alight on New England soil, it would be received with most reverential honors. Steady in all its plans, persistent in its purposes, tenacious of its own methods, resolute and brave in meeting difficulties, sure of its aims finally, and never yielding to counteractions or discouragements, it presents one of the most unique and remarkable forms of character that the world has ever witnessed.

Nothing in our history is more interesting and impressive than the practical bearings of those two distinct casts of character on the progress of our country. For certain spheres of activity, Southern mind has been pre-eminently fitted. It has been the parent intellect of many of our noblest political truths. Strong in tho numerical ratio of its statesmen, it has been even stronger in the men themselves. We owe to them the earliest movements in behalf of tho severance of Church and State. We owe to them the earnest defense of general suffrage and popular sovereignty. We owe to them, in no small degree, the ideas of a limited Federal Government—its balances and checks—as well as that breadth of margin outside of organic law, where

th# free will and free hearts of the people are resigned to themselves. The political sentiments of Jefferson, Madison, Mason, Calhoun, Jackson, and Clay, are too well known to be mentioned here. But of them, it may be most truthfully stated, that they have exerted a most potent and diffusive influence over the national faith. Nor is this all. Southern civilization has given us distinguished generals in war, as well as celebrated councilors in peace. Its peculiar circumstances have favored the growth and culture of military genius. By the habits of personal independence which their modes of life have encouraged—by their familiarity with danger and trial from early boyhood—by their exposures to the savage on the borders of the southwest, and the hazards of frontier-forests, they have acquired an extraordinary facility in the arts of warfare. Justice demands a yet fuller acknowledgment. To their enterprise we are largely indebted for the opening of the Valley of the Mississippi. The early pioneers of that vast colonization were chiefly Southern men. Boone, Kenton, Ridley, and a host of others, were trained amidst the wilder scenes of Southern life. None have known better how to use the ax and the rifle—those mighty instruments of American strength and valor. None have plunged more freely into the depths of the wilderness, and marked out the great avenues of trade. But has the North been idle meanwhile? Has it been a careless spectator of this moving panorama? Its wonders rise on every hand. If in many instances the Southerner has pursued the trail of the savage, the Northerner has followed on with the manufactured fabrie, the necessaries of food and clothing—.the products of his untiring skill and honest industry. His Lowells, Lawrences, and Lynns have supplied a constant and growing demand. His ships have trafficked every where. The remote islands of the sea have contributed to his wealth, and aided to build up the civilization of the country. Enterprising in the highest degree, a sovereign of the soil, surpassing Ceres on tho land and Neptune on the ocean, he has drawn the revenues of his greatness and rule from every quarter of the globe. We might almost venture to declare that the North has made a revelation of the grandeur of human labor somewhat analagous to the moral disclosures of Christianity. At least, it is an astonishing exhibition of what man can accomplish in subjecting the material universe to his tastes and enjoyments. The records of our race present no such example of the competency of man to master the most rebellious circumstances, to triumph over the most formidable evils, and to secure himself a place and a power on the globe. It is an inspiring witness to the inherent majesty of mind, that no eloquence can fitly represent. Nor is this its only praise. Men of the North have left their abiding impress on the statesmanship of the country. The genius of its ablest men—of its Adamses, Hancocks, Otises, Hamiltons, Woodburys, and Websters—has been dedicated to the service of national interests. It calls its heroes by our name. It points to Plymouth Rock and Bunker Hill, to Monmouth and Saratoga, as its tokens of devotion to the honor and glory of the land. Reposing its brightest hopes on the truths of American Republicanism, and cherishing its blessings as the most precious earthly trust, it has given a practical demonstration of its faith and lovo by laboring to embody its sacred import in every thing within its reach. It has translated its divine significancy into industry, commerce, science, and art. It has exemplified its sentiments in schools,

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