Black Sea, and to bind herself to treat on no other conditions! Russia therefore complains that she has obtained from Austria no compensation for the sacrifice she affects to have made; but that, at the very moment when her troops are leaving the Principalities, the Cabinet of Vienna enters into closer and more extensive engagements with the other belligerent Powers, her enemies. Upon the receipt of this reply a council of the Austrian Cabinet was held, at which it was decided not to consider the rejection of its proposals as a casus belli on the part of Russia. The correspondence, of which we have thus given so full a summary, shows that the German Powers persevere in their policy of absolute neutrality, but that they are becoming involved in fresh difficulties thereby with the Western Powers. In her note of the 10th of August, Austria substantially presented her ultimatum to Russia, urging the demands of the Western Powers, assenting to them as the only conditions on which peace could be restored, and pledging her co-operation in the endeavor to secure them. They are peremptorily rejected by Russia; and yet Austria declines to quit her position of neutrality. It is obvious that it can not much longer be maintained. THE EASTERN WAR. The reports alluded to in our last Record have been confirmed, and steps have actually been taken for an offensive movement by the invasion of the Crimea for the purpose of effecting the reduction of Sebastopol. The enterprise has been officially announced in an order of the day issued at Varna, on the 25th of August, by Marshal de St. Arnaud. The moment, he says, has come to fight and conquer. As the Russian troops have retired from the Danube Providence summons them to the Crimea and to Sebastopol, the seat of Russian power, within whose walls they are going to seek the guaranty of peace, and of their return to their firesides. The enterprise is to be attempted by the most formidable military and naval apparatus the world has ever seen. The allied fleets, with their three thousand guns and twenty-five thousand seamen, will bear to the Crimea an immense army made up of English, French, and Turkish troops. The expedition was to consist of one hundred thousand men. Intelligence had been received of the landing of fifty-eight thousand at Eupatoria, on the 14th of September, without encountering any resistance. They had started immediately for Sebastopol, which was distant about fifty miles.-The campaign in the Baltic is at an end for the present, and the British squadron is about to return. The fortresses of Bomarsund were blown up by the Allies on the 1st of September.On the Danube no events of importance have taken place. The Russians had entirely evacuated Wallachia and crossed the Sereth, burning the bridges behind them. The evacuation of Moldavia is also complete. The Austrians have entered Bucharest, and the commander has presented Omer Pacha with a formal demand, calling upon him to withdraw the Turkish army from the Principalities. To this the latter replied by a note, stating at some length his refusal. CHINA. From China we have intelligence of the visit of the United States ship Susquehanna to Nankin, with the American Commissioner, Mr. M'Lane, on board, for the purpose of procuring information in regard to the progress and character of the revolution, which still continues to make progress. Mr. M'Lane proposed an interview with the celebrated leader of the rebellion, but declined to comply with the demands of the latter in regard to the ceremonies by which it was to be regulated. The whole of China, and especially the seaports, continue to be greatly disturbed by the movements and apprehensions of the rebels. Shanghai, the principal port for foreign trade, continues in their hands, and was besieged by the Imperialists, who make, however, but little progress toward its reduction. Letters from the late Commissioner, Mr. Marshall, to the Government at Washington, have recently been published, in which he gives at length his views of the revolution and of its leaders. He thinks there is no ground for believing that the new order, if it shall be successfully established, will be any more favorable to a liberal intercourse with other nations than the present. The new chief, he says, proposes no broader basis for the government than that occupied by the present Emperor. The rumor that he is in any degree friendly to Christianity Mr. Marshall believes to be utterly without foundation. He will maintain the ancient customs and religion of the Empire, preserve the etiquette of the Court, and seek to conform as nearly as possible to the prejudices and prepossessions of the people. His real troubles will begin when he endeavors to levy taxes, or make any change in the civil government of the country. Thus far he has met no formidable resistance, and has attempted no exercise of authority. Mr. Marshall sees no sign of progress or improvement for China in this rebellion: he regards it as merely a war of factions contending for power, and as only the harbinger of a storm which is soon to overwhelm the commerce, industrial interests, and whatever there is of attainment and civilization in China. Long years of civil war must succeed the overthrow of the existing dynasty before order and good government can be restored. Mr. M. says he would prefer the chance of securing important changes of policy, on the part of China, from the fears and hopes of the reigning Emperor, to the prospect of introducing them simultaneously with the rule of a new dynasty. He is very earnest in warning the Government of the United States against being led into false notions concerning the progress of the rebellion, in which he declares none of the substantial business portion of the Chinese people have taken any part, and with which they have no sympathy. Missionaries and political dreamers, who see events through the discolored medium of their hopes, may represent the evangelization of China and the establishment of republican equality, of free trade, and other political advantages, as certain to result from this war; but he warns the administration that these are unsafe and extravagant conclusions. He sees nothing to induce the United States to depart, in any particular, from the policy it has hitherto pursued, except to urge the residence of their Commissioner at the capital of the Empire. This point once secured, will lead of necessity to free intercourse between the capital and the consular ports, and thus gradually to the opening of the whole Empire to travel, either for business or pleasure.-These views, on Mr. Marshall's part, are of the more importance from the fact, that they differ very widely from the opinions expressed by nearly all others who have written on the subject. Mr. M., during his stay in China, became involved in controversies with Commodore Perry, Commodore Aulick, Dr. Parker, and others with whom he came in official contact; but the details of these collisions are not of sufficient interest to be embodied in this Record. THE Editor's Cable. THE TRUE SOURCES OF OUR NATION- in institutions, in policies, in governmental usages, AL STRENGTH.-The thoughtful minds of but in established opinions, in the heartfelt creed our country have not failed to notice that there of the people, in permanent reverence for the Chrisis a growing disposition among us to investigate tian idea of democracy, and the rights, immunities, the causes of our national prosperity. We begin to prerogatives which it represents. Where we are, have an American Philosophy. If not original in what we are, and what we expect to be, can not be spirit, it is distinct in its sphere, seeking to analyze mistaken. If it might be a poetic exaggeration to the different elements that have combined to form speak of Freedom as the Angel of the Apocalypse, our social organization, and to determine the laws standing in the midst of the sun, and clothed with of their relations. A general comprehension of our its gorgeous effulgence, it is still permitted us to political strength no longer satisfies us. The time say that its position is central and commanding. A has come for us to penetrate deeper than the sur- great sentiment is indeed incapable of a perfect face. Once, it was sufficient for us to rest in those manifestation in outward forms. By its grandeur it great ideas which the past bequeathed. They ad- transcends the limits of expression, and leaves the dressed our noblest sentiments; they were con- imagination a large field for the play of conjecture. nected with our most venerated names, and sur- But in our history, the doctrines of republican librounded with the most splendid associations of our erty have been translated into so many interests, history. But the age has called us to a higher task. touched active life at so many points, and spread We feel it incumbent on us to examine into the themselves over so vast a surface, that the most foundation of these principles, to know their rea-practical understanding can not fail to penetrate sons, to measure their claims to Providential agen- their divine meaning. The student of political scicies by applying the standard of experience. Norence, if he turns to other countries, is compelled to is this at all surprising. The same circumstances engage his mind chiefly with the debates of parliathat stimulate the imagination-that give birth to ments, the intrigues of diplomacy, the decisions of poetry and eloquence in the opening stages of na- courts, the decrees of sovereigns. But here, the tional life, soon take a serener form, and awaken magnificence of the government is not apparent, the philosophic intellect. If it is necessary for us since the government itself is the least prominent to have the truth in the glowing style of beauty and and ostensible. Our true philosophy-our strength sublimity, it is equally necessary to have it in the our pride, come forth most significantly in the substantial shape of abstract science. For in this freedom and force of personal life. The marts of way its circle is completed. Its various phases commerce--the thoroughfares of trade, where every pictured upon the firmament, can thus become ob- man demonstrates the value of his citizenship, and jects of study; and the orator, poet, philosopher, graduates his worth on the open scale of naturestanding side by side, and happy in a common fel-here is the practical congress of the land. One of lowship, can each contribute his share to the stock of national wisdom. our thriving cities, full of eager enterprise, buoyant with young blood and elastic with fresh nerves, Not every season is fitted to this work. Periods abreast with the age, and pressing forward with of struggle, agitation, and convulsion, demand men those impulses which the century is driving through of quick and fiery temperaments-men of muscle-every channel of plodding care or ambitious hope: men of heroic action. But in the breathing-times one such city, with its happy homes and hallowed of the world, when a gentler spirit is abroad, and a altars, with its manifold ministries of watchful Sabbath atmosphere covers the landscape, the of-service, and its multitudinous means of fellowship fices of meditation may be indulged. It is then that our best thoughts are born of the revolving hours that patriotism and philanthropy enjoy a peaceful festival, and visions of a restored and perfected humanity ascend above the horizon of the future. Brief they may be; but they are long enough to bear witness to the mercy that sent them to our faith and hope. What is more short-lived than the rainbow? And yet, what is a surer token of Infinite truth and love? Like those hues, painted on the moving air, the lustre of these tranquil moments may pass away, but, like them, their lesson of promise and pledge may remain, to allay our fears and animate our exertions. and communion, is a richer, better, nobler exponent of our national ideas than all the statute-books of the country. It is not what the institutions of our land have made us, but what they have allowed us to make ourselves, that constitutes their highest glory. Man carries power within him. It is in his blood, his brain, his spirit. Every sense is its servant; every angel is its friend. If used as his own gift, sacred by original endowment and anointed in the priesthood of the universe, it can not miss its honors or lose its rewards. And this is what our political economy has permitted us to do. It has not conferred prerogatives or privileges, but it has given us to ourselves. It has acknowledged the It may not be that we have just such a season at position of man, as man, and left him to fulfill his present. But, comparatively, we live in an era own destiny. The results of his prudence and skill favorable to a correct appreciation of the main ele--the sagacity that foresees, and the tact that exements of our national character. Whatever attri-cutes; the fruits of toil and intrepidity; the housebutes of strength belong to us have been brought hold benefits, gladdening and sanctifying human out in full development. The sources of our weak-existence, are now before us, as the legitimate proness, too, have been shown. All our characteristics have had an opportunity to demonstrate themselves. The line of movement has been clearly and broadly drawn. If the extent of our action is hidden in the future, its nature, modes, and purposes have been fairly unfolded. Americanism is now a well-defined thing. It is embodied before the world-not merely ducts of wise government. All nations make this revelation of their character sooner or later; ours, fortunate in its freedom, has anticipated the lapse of years, and portrayed its grandeur by aggregating the most matchless resources within the scope of a single century. What then is the secret of American character? One specifies the moral tone of our early mind; an- | Massachusetts spoke first for freedom, need not other cites our inherent love of liberty; a third now be examined. Wherever the inspiring tone dwells on Anglo-Saxon hardihood and persistency; was earliest rung out on the echoing continent, it a fourth fastens on a wonderful concurrence of cir- was heard, felt, and obeyed by all. Our success cumstances. There are not wanting those who at- was the result, not of mere union, but of such an union tribute every thing to the interposition of Providence, as the co-operating and combining elements created. while others regard the race of mankind as having Each brought what the other needed. If the imeducated itself up to the mark of an advanced civ- pulses of one part were fiery, they excited the colder ilization. Such generalizations are partial and in- nature of the more stern and calculating. If one complete. Whatever truth may belong to them, it section relied on principles, the other trusted to is certain that they have not the whole truth. Nor those ardent instincts that burn their way to victory. are they in harmony with the methods of nature. A There was commerce to be protected; there were single phase of character-a set of agencies, limited agricultural interests to be guarded. Every sort of by its individuality and confined to its own instinct- independent life-merchants at their business and ive operations, never effects vast ends. Where planters on their estates-gave its glowing and earnthere has been a solitary outworking of one pre- est impulse to the effort. Philosophy pondered and dominating and overmastering element, no high and chivalry aroused. But Providence blended all toconsistent civilization has ever been attained. The gether. Out of the union came a harmonious result. reason is obvious. Human nature is a complex Had the Puritans determined the contest, we might thing. It has soul, spirit, body. It has numerous have had a liberty disfigured by local tastes and resentiments, passions, affections. A thousand ties ligious exactions. If the Cavalier had triumphed unite it to a thousand objects. Its relations, reach- alone, his warm fancy and hot blood might have ing from the clod beneath its feet to the Throne be- over-stimulated our intenser feelings. Had the yond its vision, and encircling every form of exist- Huguenot and Scotch-Irish been left out of the strugence carthly and divine; its wants, large enough to gle, we should have felt the absence of the highexhaust universal creation; its intuitive aspirations, minded bearing of the former, and the bold, impasyearning for undiscovered realms of beauty, and sioned emphasis of the latter. As circumstances panting for the home of Eternal Blessedness; all directed this wonderful blending, a paramount obthese are to be met, answered, gratified. And ject subordinated all sectional peculiarities-all the hence, there must be an eclectic action in all its diversified modes of thought and action-and made grandest movements. There must be a rich ex- every kind of individuality tributary to the sublime chequer to satisfy its demands, or it is a wretched end. A magnificent sanctuary of Freedom has been bankrupt. The world must have a law of union, a built by their joint labors. Not this one can claim law of combination, a law that blends parts into a the merit of its vast rotunda and swelling domewhole; otherwise, the race must perish as a mock-capacious for millions-nor that one its uplifted alery and be forgotten as nothingness. It is this law, tars, where the noblest ministry of earthly citizeninstituted by the Creator and directed by His prov-ship swings high the censer, filled with the fragrant idence, that has formed American character. But for its sway, never more sovereign than when least perceived, we should have had no history, no experience. Our forefathers were actuated by the same motives, and they sought, with singular integrity and sympathy, the same ends. But, in various respects, they were unlike one another. The water no sooner falls from the clouds and enters the earth, than it is impregnated with new ingredients; and just so, the same impulses, stirring the hearts of men and shaping their deeds, may be modified by the peculiarities of personal character. Looking back to the days when our independence was achieved, we see the representatives of North and South-the Puritan on the one side-the Cavalier, the Huguenot, and the Scotch-Irish on the other-which gave a fortunate issue to the war for indestanding firmly and closely together in the mighty struggle. They had strong points of similarity; they had strong points of antagonism; and yet, changed into oneness by the solid front which they opposed to British aggression, and leagued for the achievement of liberty, they presented a massive completeness such as has never been witnessed. Deficient in numbers, in resources, in all the auxiliary instruments of resistance, they were yet a tremendous host by the facility with which they could interact on each other. It was their moral power no less than physical bravery that bore them triumphantly through that unequal conflict. And how could that power have been generated, how could it have suffered so long and so patiently, how could it, at last, have entered meekly and honorably on the possession of its hard-won heritage, but for the fact that each contributed its ideas, sentiments, and passions-its whole and hearty self-to the emergency of the occasion? Whether Virginia or offerings of a glad and grateful people. But as in Solomon's Temple, that adorned the brow of Moriah, there were gifts from all climes and treasures from all lands; as the Tyrian gave his purple and the Canaanite his toil-as Lebanon yielded its codar and Ophir its gold, to honor the abode of the Majesty of the universe, so here, amidst the grandeur of a reserved continent, the elect minds of the noblest nations have erected a Temple in which patriotism may nourish its hopes and philanthropy advance to meet the future, leaning upon the arm of Jehovah. The progress of our country has illustrated the truth, that, in political science, we owe the beneficent working of our government to the same causes pendence. It must not be forgotten that the Puritan and the Cavalier had each his marked characteristics. The former had been deeply wronged in the mother country. His ancestry had been oppressed, his ministers dishonored, his rights sacrificed, his affections crushed, his conscience derided. There was no sort of power that did not array itself against him. Literature satirized and authority insulted him. No wonder, therefore, that he organized a stern protest against England. Loyal he was, but nevertheless he legislated the past into his system, and always acted in full view of all he had endured and suffered. His object was to guard himself against any recurrence of those evils which he had borne; and hence, while his doctrines embodied ancient grievances, they looked to provisions for the future. To some extent, they anticipated circumstances. On the other hand, the Cavalier was sincerely attached to Royalty in the State and Prelacy in the Church. He had no à priori theory as the creature of circumstances-it recognizes him as a being of permanent relations. Its faith is the faith of equal citizenship. Its inspiration is the dictate of perfect patriotism. Its sanctity covers the country as a country; and wherever there is a right to be protected or a wrong to be avengedwherever there is a legitimate interest to be upheld or a common obstacle to be removed-wherever there is an American thought to be honored or an American hope to be encouraged, there it ex if left to themselves, or put beneath the sway of external circumstances-may be arranged so as to give the ascendency to opposite faculties. All thinking men know that it is not the sentiments we cherish, but those to which we allow prominence, and which fall in with our individual biases, that decide the force or weakness of character. It has been so in the social developments of our country. The original differences of the colonists, drawing around them local institutions, and moulded into -no system to forestall the operation of eventsno preoccupancy of mind with a favorite ideal of government. His whole nature was open to the sway of circumstances. The plastic agency of time, never so valuable as in shaping political institutions, was perfectly free to control him. Owing to these causes, it must be obvious, on philosophical grounds, that the Puritan and the Cavalier, types of Northern and Southern character, could not occupy in all things precisely the same level in political matters. The leading sentiment of Republic-erts its influence, gives law to opinion, subdues anism was the same in both; but in its minute ap- prejudice, and establishes the reign of common plications, in organic arrangements, to execute its brotherhood. general principle, they could not but differ. Puri- If we turn to the social forms of American civiltanism leaned toward a strong government. It ization, we see the same law of diversified action wished the central authority to be as energetic as it and mutual support. The respective elements of could be in consistency with popular rights. It felt life, North and South, are indeed the same, so far that universal sovereignty was an experiment; and as innate constitution is concerned. But these elehence, it endeavored to set up rigid safeguards ments are variously organized. Human nature is around the free institutions of the country. But easily modified. It is not absolutely necessary to the Cavalier advocated the simplest and most re-introduce new ingredients to effect great distinctions stricted form of government. The trustworthiness in character. The same principles and passionsof the people was one of his prominent ideas. He was jealous of consolidated power. Once free, he was free indeed. If he had any aristocratic tendencies in his nature, they never showed themselves in regard to popular liberty; but turning their full force toward Federal sovereignty, he exerted all his ability to establish such an economy as should be most in harmony with local and personal rights. The interaction of these sentiments-their final affinity, their perfect adjustment in the shape of Federal and State sovereignties-is one of the most re-individual and sectional shapes of striking contrast, markable triumphs of wisdom in the annals of po- have continued to operate. The intellect of the litical science. A broad foundation, on which both South has never been theoretic or imaginative. It sections of the country could stand, was secured; has not been perplexed by traditionary ideas or enneither surrendered any thing vital. The pecul- slaved to precedents. Whenever it has had to grapiarities of their views grew out of the peculiarities ple with momentous questions, to strike out new of character, position, and interests; and while they paths, to adapt the fortunes of empire to the emerwere not distinct enough to render them irrecon- gencies of stirring occasions, to direct thought or cilable parties on the great issue before them, they communicate impulse, it has never failed to win were just sufficiently marked to create a safe and the highest credit for sagacity and intelligence. Its healthy antagonism. There was not such antipa- common sense is bold, because it is spontaneous; thy as to generate malignant discord: there was and its passions, earnest, single-aimed, and impetonly that degree of diversity which is necessary for uous, always sustain its decisions. Literature has unity. If, therefore, we contemplate their work in never been suffered to destroy its native freshness, the constitution of these States, do we see the Pu- nor the enjoyment of books to supplant its inherent ritan or the Cavalier? Is it a portraiture of either? tendencies. Its consciousness is acute and vivid. The manhood of both-the essential manhood that Once possessed of an idea, or consecrated to a purRepublicanism has liberalized and Christianity ex- pose, it will stand fearlessly forward against the alted-the wise and generous manhood that accepts world, and defy reproach and assault. Its predomlife as a compromise, and society as a continuous inant sentiment is the love of personal independinterchange of individual and general feelings-the ence. Find it as you may, it seems to be instinctmanhood of noble sentiments and lofty impulses, is ively assured of its natural birthright. Without the first and last impression it produces. It has any argument, it takes itself and its position for Northern and Southern principles, but they are granted, and asserts its inborn dignity with an ensubordinated to universal ends. As one studies its tire indifference to whatever prejudices it may of doctrines, he observes the beautiful indications of fend. Its social affections are tender, strong, and rural politics learned amidst the open scenes of permanent. Hospitality is a religious virtue, and nature. The spirit of the fields, where freemen kindness a paramount law. His ancestors are dear walked in the conscious strength of independence, to the Southerner, but he holds no public festival and felt the high destiny awaiting them, is in its to celebrate their virtues. Seated around his fireprovisory restraints. But it is not alone. The ne-side, you will hear him expatiate on their worth until cessities of trade and commerce, the wants of com- every tone is eloquent with truthful love. Beyond pact cities, the active industry of the North, are all this he cares not to go. The praise of the world is here in fair, full acknowledgment. It is a latent a matter of cool indifference, and he is perfectly prophecy of whatever the South shall need for the content to rest in what his forefathers are to his security of her homes, the prosperity of her agricul- own heart. Public opinion is never a terror to him. ture, the enjoyment of her tropical blessings. It is If he respects and obeys its laws, it is because it equally a token of all that is requisite for the North echoes his own convictions. He lives in no conin the exercise of her hardy enterprise, in the stretch ventional atmosphere; he can not tolerate interof her vigorous muscles, in her conquests over stub- ference; nor can he bear excess of fellowship. Inborn soils and ice-bound seas. It recognizes man tercourse must leave him as it found him-a free, fearless, decided man. If he can gratify his taste, 837 To the free will and free hearts of the people are resigned to themselves. The political sentiments of Jefferson, Madison, Mason, Calhoun, Jackson, and Clay, are too well known to be mentioned here. But of them, it may be most truthfully stated, that they have exerted a most potent and diffusive influence over the national faith. Nor is this all. Southern civilization has given us distinguished generals in war, as well as celebrated councilors in peace. Its peculiar circumstances have favored the growth and culture of military genius. By the habits of have encouraged-by their familiarity with danger personal independence which their modes of life and trial from early boyhood-by their exposures to the savage on the borders of the southwest, and the hazards of frontier-forests, they have acquired an extraordinary facility in the arts of warfare. Justice demands a yet fuller acknowledgment. their enterprise we are largely indebted for the opening of the Valley of the Mississippi. The early pioneers of that vast colonization were chiefly Southern men. host of others, were trained amidst the wilder scenes Boone, Kenton, Ridley, and a of Southern life. None have known better how to use the ax and the rifle-those mighty instruments of American strength and valor. None have plunged more freely into the depths of the wilderness, and marked out the great avenues of trade. But has the North been idle meanwhile? Has it been a careless spectator of this moving panorama? Its wonders rise on every hand. If in many instances the Southerner has pursued the trail of the savage, the fabric, the necessaries of food and clothing-the Northerner has followed on with the manufactured products of his untiring skill and honest industry. His Lowells, Lawrences, and Lynns have supplied a constant and growing demand. His ships have trafficked every where. The remote islands of the sea have contributed to his wealth, and aided to The genuine type of Northern mind is quite different. Its operations are slower; its steps are more cautious. Logic or its substitutes must be consulted on all occasions. Its respect for education is so sincere and profound, that it deprecates every thing outside of certain rules. A main article in its creed is, that man is to be formed and fitted for human life; and hence, wherever it can command means to contribute to this end, it is sure to seize them with earnest solicitude. Its capacity to receive and reproduce ideas is singularly great. Never forsaking its own ground, never yielding its own distinctive tastes, it can yet learn of French and German, and, moreover, beat them on their own field, if it happen to be intent on rivalry. Its perceptions are quick; its reflections are deliberate and well-timed. When it gets through the hurry of sensation, it is disposed to ponder thoroughly and decide correctly. All its faculties are exceedingly active; and yet they generate little heat in their movements. Muscle predominates over nerve. It has a sharp eye for all sorts of expedients, and a prompt step for all just advantages. Not strikingly original in the higher realms of thought, it nevertheless delights to pursue metaphysics with Jonathan Edwards, to reward the labors of Bowditch, and to honor the gigantic understanding of Webster. Full of sharp points and angularities, it has a hos-build up the civilization of the country. Enterpitable brain for all manner of speculative inquiry. Its best scholars have a chivalric love of truth, that impels them in every direction where it is possible to find the least degree of success. of physical science and the boundless mysteries of The exactness transcendentalism are both welcomed. It has the sense of property in every thing. Beauty and utility are loved and cherished. If an iceberg could be used, it would certainly be arrested in its southward floating; and the next moment were a troop of angels to alight on New England soil, it would be received with most reverential honors. Steady in all its plans, persistent in its purposes, tenacious of its own methods, resolute and brave in meeting difficulties, sure of its aims finally, and never yield-power on the globe. It is an inspiring witness to ing to counteractions or discouragements, it presents one of the most unique and remarkable forms of character that the world has ever witnessed. Nothing in our history is more interesting and impressive than the practical bearings of these two distinct casts of character on the progress of our country. For certain spheres of activity, Southern mind has been pre-eminently fitted. It has been the parent intellect of many of our noblest political truths. Strong in the numerical ratio of its statesmen, it has been even stronger in the men themselves. We owe to them the earliest movements in behalf of the severance of Church and State. We owe to them the earnest defense of general suffrage and popular sovereignty. We owe to them, in no small degree, the ideas of a limited Federal Government-its balances and checks--as well as that breadth of margin outside of organic law, where prising in the highest degree, a sovereign of the soil, surpassing Ceres on the land and Neptune on the ocean, he has drawn the revenues of his greatmight almost venture to declare that the North has ness and rule from every quarter of the globe. We made a revelation of the grandeur of human labor somewhat analagous to the moral disclosures of Christianity. At least, it is an astonishing exhibition of what man can accomplish in subjecting the material universe to his tastes and enjoyments. The records of our race present no such example of the competency of man to master the most rebellious circumstances, to triumph over the most formidable evils, and to secure himself a place and a the inherent majesty of mind, that no eloquence can |