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STATEMENT OF WILBER M. BRUCKER, SECRETARY OF THE ARMY, ACCOMPANIED BY MAJ. GEN. JOHN H. MICHAELIS, OFFICE OF LEGISLATIVE LIAISON; MAJ. GEN. JOHN DALEY; AND DR. WILLIAM H. MARTIN

Secretary BRUCKER. Chairman Johnson, Senator Saltonstall, and other members of the committee, in preparation for my appearance here, I have reviewed in my own mind the vitally important tasks which face this committee. The age of space, which suddenly became a reality with the orbiting of the Russian sputniks, added a new dimension of peril and of promise to our national interest. Scientific and technological progress leading to the development of space objects both for military and civilian purposes is comparable with the progress of development in the field of atomic energy. The immensity of the task involved in forging ahead and maintaining indefinitely a commanding lead will require the combined efforts of our entire Nation. The issue is of such consequence and scope that to attempt anything less than a completely coordinated, united, dynamic national program to attain our objective would be unrealistic."

In addressing yourselves to the task of enacting effective legislation to cope with the problems relating to the exploration and eventual conquest of outer space, you are wisely conducting a thorough study and investigation of all aspects of astronautics. This is a herculean undertaking, the results of which will affect this Nation for generations to come.

It is the Army's desire to do everything in its power to assist in the work of this committee, and it is in that context that I would like to outline the Army's interest in space, review very briefly our contribution to present and future space programs, and lay before you a few observations_regarding the National Aeronautics and Space Agency proposed in S. 3609 under discussion.

The Army has been interested in space for many years because of the military aspects involved. Immediate applications which have particular significance for the Army include reconnaissance, both visual and electronic; communications missions of many kinds; meteorological observations which might lead to better weather predictions; mapping and geodesy, for which the Army has a primary responsibility; and finally, the employment of such satellites and space vehicles as spacel aboratories for continuing basic and development research benefiting all potential and actual users of space.

While these applications are of special concern to the Army, we do not consider that they are by any means exclusively or uniquely so. They are of concern to all the military services. They are national military requirements, and each of the services has material assets and resources of know-how to contribute toward the attainment of the objectives sought. These objectives, by and large, have equal significance in connection with the civilian, or commercial, utilization of space. Civilian agencies also have essential resources which can con

tribute to the common effort. The Army strongly advocates a program which takes into full consideration every military and civilian interest in space, and employs every resource available to reach our goals.

In this connection, I feel that it is hardly necessary to point out that the most important interest, the one which must be given first consideration in all deliberations, is the security of the Nation. In line with this, the civilian and military interests in this field should be joined in a common effort. To this end the activities by civilian and military agencies should be cooperative and complementary. The civilian and military have so much in common in exploring and developing the space field that both must bend every effort to reach common objectives. Neither can afford to withhold complete cooperation in order to present a united front in the conquest of space.

The Army's long interest and experience in the field of space science has resulted in a demonstrated capability to contribute materially to a national space program. In 1944, the Army fired our country's first modern military ballistic test vehicle, and the following year the first high-altitude sounding rockets. In 1947, the first American surface-to-surface guided missile, Corporal E, was fired by the Army. In 1949, an Army missile established the record-breaking speed of 5,150 miles per hour, and reached an altitude of more than 250 miles. This was an epochal flight marked by several other significant "firsts." For the first time in our history, communication was achieved by radio with an object more than 250 miles above the earth; for the first time a two-stage rocket was separated in flight; for the first time rocket motors were ignited at high altitudes, and the thermal barrier was first observed.

The Army Ballistic Missile Agency at Redstone Arsenal and thousands of dedicated Army scientists and engineers have been engaged for years in developing missiles, rockets, and other modern weapons tailored to the Army's exacting requirements. They comprise one of the best reservoirs of creative talent which exists in the world today for the ultimate conquest of space.

An outstanding example of the achievement of the Army's missile team is the great 1,500-mile intermediate range ballistic missile Jupiter, which is now in production, and will soon take its place in the line of America's defense. An Army Jupiter-C missile so called because similar vehicles were used to test components of the Jupiter during the course of its development-lifted the United States into the space age when it hurled the first American satellite, Explorer I, into orbit on January 31 of this year, and subsequently put Explorer III into orbit. Earlier the Jupiter-C had demonstrated the successful solution of the difficult problems involved in bringing a missile nose cone intact through the thermal barrier after a ballistic flight in space above the earth's atmosphere. All of these accomplishments have contributed significantly toward the ultimate conquest of space.

The data obtained by means of two Army satellites, particularly in the field of cosmic rays and high-energy radiation in the outer fringes of the earth's atmosphere, has already had and is continuing to have a profound effect on our knowledge of the environment we must penetrate and in which we must learn to operate.

Now the Army Ballistic Missile Agency has been directed by the Advanced Research Projects Agency of the Department of Defense

to launch at least 2, and possibly 3, additional earth satellites. The Army is well equipped to make many further contributions to a national long-range program for the conquest of space. It would seem logical for teams of scientists such as those at the Army Ballistic Missile Agency, and the Jet Propulsion Laboratory at the California Institute of Technology-teams who have already proved themselves in achievement-to be used in the program of the proposed National Aeronautics and Space Agency through ARPA, the existing Department of Defense agency in this field.

Turning to the bill under consideration, I believe that we could all live with it if its legislative history allows us to construe it properly. It has been suggested that it should be drastically revised. In my opinion, however, it is basically sound, and the alternate course of clarification in some areas would be the proper one to take.

I concur in the concept that the National Aeronautics and Space Agency should be a civilian agency with Department of Defense representation. Such military representation is particularly important to the overall success of NASA since within the Department of Defense programs are to be found most of the talent, and most of the physical assets which are necessary to the immediate programs which would be carried on by the NASA. The NASA, therefore, will have major dependence upon the Department of Defense for a long time to come.

As set up under S. 3609, the advisory National Aeronautics and Space Board would consist of not to exceed 17 members, at least 1 to represent the military interest, and the rest concerned with the civilian interest. It seems clear to me that whatever the composition of the Advisory Board may be, fully adequate military liaison will be established and maintained with the working group of the Agency to the end that military requirements are given adequate consideration. I believe the Department of Defense should be assured the same working relationship with the proposed NASA with the National Advisory Committee on Aeronautics. I see no major problems in establishing effective cooperation between the National Aeronautics and Space Agency and the Department of Defense, particularly since Department of Defense responsibility is now centered in the Advanced Research Projects Agency. However, it is possible that the bill now under consideration could be interpreted so as to restrict unduly the activities of the Department of Defense in the astronautics and space field. It is frequently difficult to determine as we embark on so vast and unknown an enterprise as space exploration just what facets of this exploration will have application to weapons systems and military operation. I do not believe it to be the intent of the administration or of the Congress to prohibit research in this area by the agencies of the Department of Defense.

The legislative line should not be drawn too sharply between what the Department of Defense and its agencies can do and what they cannot do in the field of space development. This is a matter which ought, in my opinion, to be dealt with administratively between the Department of Defense and the NASA. It should also be clearly emphasized that the NASA, like the Atomic Energy Commission, is a part of the executive branch. It is imperative that the character of the National Advisory Committee for Aeronautics, an executive agency of which the NASA will be the successor, should be preserved. If the United States is to cope with the fast-changing conditions, and

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kaleidoscopic developments in the field of space, full discretion in the planning and operations of such an important agency should be left to the President.

The recent attainment of stable orbited satellites by man in the space close to our planet has had a profound impact upon the urgency to develop a forceful and energetic program in the conquest of space. The need to forge ahead in this new environment is manifest not only in military applications but more importantly in those areas which benefit man and the world community. The required legislation must facilitate the growth of the total coordinated effort to meet the needs of peaceful developments without placing in jeopardy the enhancement of military capabilities.

In a direct sense, space development and exploration is linked to a broader national problem. The strength and depth of the Soviet technological challenge is part of a larger scheme of world domination by the Communists. To add emphasis to the world threat recent Soviet moves are contemporaneous with the birth of the missilenuclear-space age in which they have already demonstrated technological skill and psychological dexterity.

Accordingly, our American response must be productive in supplying the means by which we can apply our genius and resourcefulness to the task of conquering space effectively and with dispatch. Our space program must be broad in scope, and must utilize every capability in order to make the best possible use of our combined national potential in this new field.

I have reviewed the proposed legislation and recommend its adoption.

SOURCE OF SUGGESTIONS FOR REVISIONS

Senator JOHNSON. Thank you very much, Mr. Secretary.

I want you to turn to page 4 of your statement, the last paragraph. Turning to the bill under consideration-and that is the problem we have here, so that is a part of your statement that interests me-you say, and I quote,

I believe that we could all live with it if its legislative history allows us to construe it properly. It has been suggested that it should be drastically revised. Who made that suggestion?

Secretary BRUCKER. I have seen the newspaper reports to that effect.

Senator JOHNSON. You don't have any

Secretary BRUCKER. No. I was just speaking generally.

Senator JOHNSON. A newspaper suggested that it be drastically revised, but none of your people suggested it?

Secretary BRUCKER. NO.

Senator JOHNSON. I thought maybe some of your people in your Department made that comment.

Secretary BRUCKER. No, Mr. Chairman.

24 HOURS TO CONSIDER THE BILL

Senator JOHNSON. How long were you given to make these comments on this bill?

Secretary BRUCKER. Well, it was about 24 hours. I think precisely 24 hours.

Senator JOHNSON. So you were another one of those officials who were asked to comment on this bill as it whizzed through the Department in 24 hours.

Secretary BRUCKER. That is correct. I was asked to comment in that period for the Army.

Senator JOHNSON. How long was General Medaris given to make his comments and suggestions?

Secretary BRUCKER. I am not acquainted with the time that he had nor when it was; but he was not present during that 24 hours. He was at the Huntsville Arsenal.

Senator JOHNSON. Did he submit any comments to your knowledge? Secretary BRUCKER. Not to my knowledge.

Senator JOHNSON. Would he have submitted any without your knowledge?

Secretary BRUCKER. I think not.

Senator JOHNSON. The answer is he did not submit any comments? Secretary BRUCKER. None that I know of, sir.

Senator JOHNSON. You say:

We could all live with it if its legislative history allows us to construe it properly. Is that a polite invitation to us to rewrite it, to revise it? Secretary BRUCKER. No. What I mean precisely, or a little better on that was this: The clause that I have reference to, or the clauses, have to do with the section 2 of the bill that states the amount of authority that should be granted to the Director or to the Space Agency and then makes reference to the Department of Defense, and it is in that context that I made this comment that I think that is the crux of that part, and that an interpretation of that would be most important and helpful.

Senator JOHNSON. I quite agree with you. But I think what amazes me is that you say "papa knows best." Let us leave it all up to the Executive and let time adjust things. It seems to me that on a subject as important as this is, it shouldn't be left up to interpretation. We should write some definite language in the bill that will set the pattern to be followed. And that seems to be what officials are suggesting in a polite but not very definite way.

Secretary BRUCKER. May I make reference

Senator JOHNSON. Maybe it is because of that 24-hour limitation or maybe it is just party line, but what I am trying to find out is whether you people that are going to live with this thing and are going to have such great and far-reaching responsibilities under it, really embrace and recommend this bill and whether you think it is the best product that ingenious minds in the Defense Department can produce.

Now, our information is that you got a bill from the Budget Bureau. You were asked for comments within 24-hours. You submitted them and we got the same bill up here without any substantial corrections. Is that your information?

Secretary BRUCKER. I don't have all of that direct, but I do have the information direct that it went to the General Counsel of our Department and then back, within 24 hours, to the General Counsel of the Department of Defense. And I assume from what I have heard, but I don't know it, of course, that it went back from him directly within the short period to the Bureau of the Budget.

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