and take away from them the means of that, within their reach, it is not the less ut fair and direct onset, by which the sanguine in both unworthy in itself, nor the less shortsighted hosts imagine they might at once achieve a and ungrateful in the parties who are guilty decisive victory. If there were indeed no of it. For we do not hesitate to say, that i belligerents, it is plain enough that there could is substantially to this calumniated and me be no neutrals and no mediators. If there tually reviled Whig party, or to those who act was no natural war between Democracy and on its principles, that the country is truly in Monarchy, no true ground of discord between debted for its peace and its constitution,--and Tories and Radical Reformers-we admit one at least, if not both of the extreme par there would be no vocation for Whigs: for the ties, for their very existence! If there were true definition of that party, as matters now no such middle body, who saw faults and stand in England, is, that it is a middle party, merits in both, and could not consent to the between the two extremes of high monarchical unqualified triumph or unqualified extirpation principles on the one hand, and extremely of either-if the whole population of the popular principles on the other. It holds no country was composed of intolerant Tories peculiar opinions, that we are aware of, on any and fiery reformers,-of such spirits, in short, other points of policy,-and no man of com- to bring the matter to a plain practical bear mon sense can doubt, and no man of common ing, as the two hostile parties have actually candour deny, that it differs from each of the chosen, and now support as their leaders and other parties on the very grounds on which spokesmen, does any man imagine that its they differ from each other,the only distinc- peace or its constitution could be maintained tion being that it does not differ so widely. for a single year? On such a supposition, it is plain that they must enter immediately on an active, uncompromising, relentless contention; and, after a short defying parley, must, by force or fear, effect the entire subversion of one or the other; and in either case, a complete revolution and dissolution of the present constitution and principle of govern ment. Compromise, upon that supposition, we conceive, must be utterly out of the ques tion; as well as the limitation of the contest to words, either of reasoning or of abuse. They would be at each other's Throats, before the end of the year! or, if there was any compromise, what could it be, but a compromise on the middle ground of Whiggism?—a virtual conversion of a majority of those very combatants, who are now supposed so to hate and disdain them, to the creed of that moderate and liberal party?

Can any thing be so preposterous as a pretended truce between two belligerents, in order that they may fall jointly upon those who are substantially neutral?-a dallying and coquetting with mortal enemies, for the purpose of gaining a supposed advantage over those who are to a great extent friends? Yet this is the course that has recently been followed, and seems still to be pursued. It is now some time since the thorough Reformers began to make awkward love to the Royalists, by pretending to bewail the obscuration which the Throne had suffered from the usurpations of Parliamentary influence,-the curtailment of the Prerogative by a junto of ignoble boroughmongers, and the thraldom in which the Sovereign was held by those who were truly his creatures. Since that time, the more prevailing tone has been, to sneer at the Whig aristocracy, and to declaim, with all the bitterness of real fear and affected contempt, on the practical insignificance of men of fortune and talents, who are neither Loyal nor Popular-and, at the same time, to lose no opportunity of complimenting the Tory possessors of power, for every act of liberality, which had been really forced upon them by those very Whigs whom they refuse to acknowledge as even co-operating in the cause! The high Tory or Court party have, in substance, played the same game. They have not indeed affected, so barefacedly, an entire sympathy, or very tender regard for their radical allies: but they have acted on the same principle. They have echoed and adopted the absurd fiction of the unpopularity of the Whigs,—and, speaking with affected indulgence of the excesses into which a generous love of liberty may occasionally hurry the ignorant and unthinking, have reserved all their severity, unfairness, and intolerance, for the more moderate opponents with whose reasonings they find it more difficult to cope, and whose motives and true position in the country, they are therefore so eager to misrepresent.

Now, though all this may be natural enough in exasperated disputants, who are apt to wreak their vengeance on whatever is most

What is it, then, that prevents such a mortal conflict from taking place at the present moment between those who represent themsent themselves respectively, as engrossing all the principle and all the force of the country? what, but the fact, that a very large portion of the population do not in reality be long to either; but adhere, and are known to adhere, to those moderate opinions, for the profession of which the Whigs and their advocates are not only covered with the obloquy of those whom they save from the perils of such frightful extremities, but are preposterously supposed to have incurred the dislike of those with whom in fact they are identified, and to whom they belong?

And this leads us to say a few words on the second grand position of the Holy Allies, against whom we are now called to defend ourselves, that the Whigs are not only incon sistent and vacillating in their doctrines, but, in consequence of that vice or error, are, in fact, weak, unpopular, and despised in the country. The very circumstance of their being felt to be so formidable as to require this strange alliance to make head against them, and to force their opponents to intermit all other contests, and expend on them exclu sively the whole treasures of their sophistry

aud abuse, might go far, we think, to refute this desperate allegation. But a very short resumption of the principles we have just been unfolding will show that it cannot possibly be true.

ministration in some measure in their hands, would be glad enough to put down all popular interference, whether by assemblies, by speech, or by writing; and, in fact, only allow the law to be as indulgent as it is, and its adWe reckon as Whigs, in this question, all ministration to be so much more indulgent, those who are not disposed to go the length from a conviction that they would not be supof either of the extreme parties who would ported in more severe measures, either by now divide the country between them,-all, public opinion without, or even by their own in other words, who wish the Government to majorities within the walls of the Legislature. be substantially more popular than it is, or is They know very well that a great part of their tending to be-but, at the same time, to re- adherents are attached to them by no other tain more aristocratical influence, and more tie than that of their own immediate interest, deference to authority, than the Radical Re--and that, even among them as they now formers will tolerate:-and, we do not hesi- stand, they could command at least as large tate to say, that so far from being weak or a following for Whig measures as for Tory inconsiderable in the country, we are perfectly measures, if only proposed by an administraconvinced that, among the educated classes, tion of as much apparent stability. It is not which now embrace a very large proportion necessary, indeed, to go farther than to the of the whole, it greatly outnumbers both the common conversation of the more open or others put together. It should always be careless of those who vote and act among the recollected, that a middle party like this is Tories, to be satisfied, that a very large proinvariably much stronger, as well as more portion, indeed, of those who pass under that determined and formidable, than it appears. title, are what we should call really Whigs in Extreme doctrines always make the most heart and conviction, and are ready to declare noise. They lead most to vehemence, pas- themselves such, on the first convenient opsion, and display,-they are inculcated with portunity. With regard to the Radical Remost clamour and exaggeration, and excite formers, again, very little more, we think, can the greatest alarm. In this way we hear of be necessary to show their real weakness in them most frequently and loudly. But they the country, than to observe how very few are not, upon that account, the most widely votes they ever obtain at an election, even in spread or generally adopted ;—and, in an en- the most open boroughs, and the most populightened country, where there are two oppo- lous and independent counties. We count for site kinds of extravagance thus trumpeted nothing in this question the mere physical abroad together, they serve in a good degree force which may seem to be arrayed on their as correctives to each other; and the great side in the manufacturing districts, on occabody of the people will almost inevitably set- sions of distress and suffering; though, if they tle into a middle or moderate opinion. The felt that they had even this permanently at champions, to be sure, and ambitious leaders their command, it is impossible that they on each side, will probably only be exasperat- should not have more nominations of parlia ed into greater bitterness and greater confi- mentary attorneys, and more steady and imdence, by the excitement of their contention.posing exhibitions of their strength and union. -But the greater part of the lookers-on can scarcely fail to perceive that mutual wounds have been inflicted, and mutual infirmities revealed, and the continuance and very fierceness of the combat is apt to breed a general opinion, that neither party is right, to the height of their respective pretensions; and that truth and justice can only be satisfied by large and mutual concessions.

Of the two parties-the Thorough Reformers are most indebted for an appearance of greater strength than they actually possess, to their own boldness and activity, and the mere curiosity it excites among the idle, co-operating with the sounding alarms of their opponents, -while the high Tories owe the same advantage in a greater degree to the quiet effect of their influence and wealth, and to that prudence which leads so many, who in their hearts are against them, to keep their opinions to themselves, till some opportunity can be found of declaring them with effect. Both, however, are conscious that they owe much to such an illusion, and neither, accordingly, has courage to venture on those measures to which they would infallibly resort, if they trusted to their apparent, as an actual or available strength. The Tories, who have the ad

At the present moment, then, we are persuaded that the proper Whig party is in reality by much the largest and the steadiest in the country; and we are also convinced, that it is in a course of rapid increase. The effect of all long-continued discussion is to disclose flaws in all sweeping arguments, and to mul tiply exceptions to all general propositionsto discountenance extravagance, in short, to abate confidence and intolerance, and thus to lay the foundations for liberal compromise and mutual concession. Even those who continue to think that all the reason is exclusively on their side, can scarcely hope to convert their opponents, except by degrees. Some few rash and fiery spirits may contrive to pass from one extreme to the other, without going through the middle. But the common course undoubt edly is different; and therefore we are entitled to reckon, that every one who is detached from the Tory or the Radical faction, will make a stage at least, or half-way house, of Whiggism; and may probably be inauced, by the comfort and respectability of the establishment, to remain: As the temperate regions of the earth are found to detain the greater part of those who have been induced to fly from the heats of the Equator, or the rigours of the Pole.

Though it is natural enough, therefore, for siderable time, the general sway of men pro those who hold extreme opinions, to depreciate fessing Tory principles; and their speedy re the weight and power of those who take their toration, when driven for a season from their station between them, it seems sufficiently places by disaster or general discontent: and certain, not only that their position must at all the Whigs, during the same period, must contimes be the safest and best, but that it is des- tent themselves with preventing a great deal tined ultimately to draw to itself all that is of evil, and seeing the good which they had truly of any considerable weight upon either suggested tardily and imperfectly effected, by hand; and that it is the feeling of the con- those who will take the credit of originating stant and growing force of this central attrac- what they had long opposed, and only at last tion, that inflames the animosity of those adopted with reluctance and on compulsion. whose importance would be lost by the con- It is not a very brilliant prospect, perhaps, nor vergence. For our own part, at least, we are a very enviable lot. But we believe it to be satisfied, and we believe the party to which what awaits us; and we embrace it, not only we belong is satisfied, both with the degree cheerfully, but with thankfulness and prideof influence and respect which we possess in thankfulness, that we are enabled to do even the country, and with the prospects which, so much for the good and the liberties of our we think, upon reasonable grounds, we may country-and pride, that in thus seeking her entertain of its increase. In assuming to our-service, we cannot well be suspected of selfish selves the character of a middle party, we or mercenary views. conceive that we are merely stating a fact, which cannot well be disputed on the present occasion, as it is assumed by both those who are now opposed to us, as the main ground of their common attack; and almost all that we have said follows as a necessary consequence of this assumption. From the very nature of the thing, we cannot go to either of the extreme parties; and neither of them can make any movement to increase their popularity and substantial power, without coming nearer to us. It is but fair, however, before concluding, to state, that though we do occupy a position between the intolerant Tories and the thorough Reformers, we conceive that we are considerably nearer to the latter than to the former. In our principles, indeed, and the ends at which we aim, we do not materially differ from what is professed by the more sober among them; though we require more caution, more securities, more exceptions, more temper, and more time.

That is the difference of our theories. In practice, we have no doubt, we shall all have time enough:-For it is the lot of England, we have little doubt, to be ruled in the main by what will be called a Tory party, for as long a period as we can now look forward to with any great distinctness-by a Tory party, however, restrained more and more in its propensities, by the growing influence of Whig principles, and the enlightened vigilance of that party, both in Parliament and out of it; and now and then admonished, by a temporary expulsion, of the necessity of a still greater conformity with the progress of liberal opinons, than could be spontaneously obtained. The inherent spirit, however, of monarchy, and the natural effect of long possession of power, will secure, we apprehend, for a con

The thorough Reformers never can be in power in this country, but by means of an ac tual revolution. The Whigs may, and occasionally will, without any disturbance to its peace. But these occasions might be multiplied, and the good that must attend them accelerated and increased, if the Reformers, aware of the hopelessness of their separate cause, would throw their weight into the scale of the Whigs, and so far modify their preten sions as to make it safe or practicable to support them. The Whigs, we have already said, cannot come to them; both because they hold some of their principles, and thei. modes of asserting them, to be not merely un reasonable, but actually dangerous; and be cause, by their adoption, they would at once hazard much mischief, and unfit themselves for the good service they now perform. But the Reformers may very well come to the Whigs; both because they can practically do nothing (peaceably) for themselves, and be cause the measures which they might ocea sionally enable the Whigs to carry, though not in their eyes unexceptionable or sufficient, must yet appear to them better than those of the Tories-which is the only attainable al ternative. This accordingly, we are persuaded, will ultimately be the result; and is al ready, we have no doubt, in a course of accomplishment; - and, taken along with the gradual abandonment of all that is offen. sive in Tory pretensions, and the silent adop tion of most of the Whig principles, even by those who continue to disclaim the name, will effect almost all that sober lovers of their country can expect, for the security of her liberties, and the final extinction of all ex treme parties, in the liberal moderation of Whiggism.

MISCELLANEOUS.

(May, 1820.)

An Appeal from the Judgments of Great Britain respecting the United States of America. Parl First. Containing an Historical Outline of their Merits and Wrongs as Colonies, and Strictures on the Calumnies of British Writers. By ROBERT WALSH, Esq. 8vo. pp. 505. Philadelphia and London: 1819.*

ONE great staple of this book is a vehe- deed, on the score of this author's imputa ment, and, we really think, a singularly un- tions, or had any desire to lessen the just effect ust attack, on the principles of this Journal. of his representations, it would have been Yet we take part, on the whole, with the au- enough for us, we believe, to have let them thor:-and heartily wish him success in the alone. For, without some such help as ours, great object of vindicating his country from the work really does not seem calculated to unmerited aspersions, and trying to make us, make any great impression in this quarter of in England, ashamed of the vices and defects the world. It is not only, as the author has which he has taken the trouble to point out in himself ingenuously observed of it, a very our national character and institutions. In this "clumsy book," heavily written and abominapart of the design we cordially concur-and bly printed,-but the only material part of it shall at all times be glad to co-operate. But the only part about which anybody can now there is another part of it, and we are sorry to say a principal and avowed part, of which we cannot speak in terms of too strong regret and reprobation--and that is, a design to excite and propagate among his countrymen, a general animosity to the British name, by way of counteracting, or rather revenging, the animosity which he very erroneously supposes to be generally entertained by the English against them.

be supposed to care much, either here or in America-is overlaid and buried under a huge mass of historical compilation, which would have little chance of attracting readers at the present moment, even if much better digested than it is in the volume before us.

The substantial question is, what has been the true character and condition of the United States since they became an independent nation,-and what is likely to be their condition in future? And to elucidate this question, the learned author has thought fit to premise about two hundred very close-printed pages, upon their merits as colonies, and the harsh treatment they then received from the mother country! Of this large historical sketch, we cannot say, either that it is very correctly drawn, or very faithfully coloured. It presents us with no connected narrative, or interesting deduction of events-but is, in truth, a mere heap of indigested quotations from common books, of good and bad authority-inartificially cemented together by a loose and angry commentary. We are not aware, in

That this is, in itself, and under any circumstances, an unworthy, an unwise, and even a criminal object, we think we could demonstrate to the satisfaction of Mr. Walsh himself, and all his reasonable adherents; but it is better, perhaps, to endeavour, in the first place, to correct the misapprehensions, and dispel the delusions in which this disposition has its foundation, and, at all events, to set them the example of perfect good humour and fairness, in a discussion where the parties perhaps will never be entirely agreed; and where those who are now to be heard have the strongest conviction of having been injuriously misrepresented. If we felt any soreness, in-deed, that there are in this part of the work

• There is no one feeling-having public concerns for its object-with which I have been so long and so deeply impressed, as that of the vast importance of our maintaining friendly, and even cordial relations, with the free, powerful, moral, and industrious States of America:-a condition upon which I cannot help thinking that not only our own freedom and prosperity, but that of the better part of the world, will ultimately be found to be more and more dependent. I give the first place, therefore, in this concluding division of the work. to an earnest and somewhat importunate exhortation to this effect-which I believe produced some impresion at the time, and I trust may still help forward he good end to which it was directed.

either any new statements, or any new views or opinions; the facts being mostly taken from Chalmers' Annals, and Burke's European Settlements; and the authorities for the good conduct and ill treatment of the colonies, being chiefly the Parliamentary Debates and Brougham's Colonial Policy.

But, in good truth, these historica. recollections will go but a little way in determining that great practical and most important question, which it is Mr. W.'s intention, as well as ours, to discuss-What are, and what ought to be, the dispositions of England and America towards each other? And the general facts

as to the first settlements and colonial history | ter the general feeling, and to keep alive the of the latter, in so far as they bear upon this memory of animosities that ought not to have question, really do not admit of much dispute. been so long remembered. At last came peace, The most important of those settlements were and the spirit, we verily believe, but unfor unquestionably founded by the friends of civil tunately not the prosperity of peace; and the and religious liberty-who, though somewhat distresses and commercial embarrassments of precise and puritanical, and we must add, not both countries threw both into bad humour; a little intolerant, were, in the main, a sturdy and unfortunately hurried both into a system and sagacious race of people, not readily to of jealous and illiberal policy, by which that be cajoled out of the blessings they had sought bad humour was aggravated, and received an through so many sacrifices; and ready at all unfortunate direction. times manfully and resolutely to assert them against all invaders. As to the mother country, again, without claiming for her any romantic tenderness or generosity towards those hardy offsets, we think we may say, that she oppressed and domineered over them much less than any other modern nation has done over any such settlements-that she allowed them, for the most part, liberal charters and constitutions, and was kind enough to leave them very much to themselves;-and although she did manifest, now and then, a disposition to encroach on their privileges, their rights were, on the whole, very tolerably respected so that they grew up undoubtedly to a state of much prosperity and a familiarity with freedom in all its divisions, which was not only without parallel in any similar establishment, but probably would not have been attained had they been earlier left to their own guidance and protection. This is all that we ask for England, on a review of her colonial policy, and her conduct before the war; and this, we think, no candid and well-informed person can reasonably refuse her.

In this exasperated state of the national temper, and we do think, too much under its influence, Mr. Walsh has now thought him self called upon to vindicate his country from the aspersions of English writers; and after arraigning them, generally, of the most incredible ignorance, and atrocious malignity, he proceeds to state, that the EDINBURGH and QUARTERLY Reviews, in particular, have been incessantly labouring to traduce the character of America, and have lately broken out into such "excesses of obloquy," as can no longer be endured; and, in particular, that the pros pect of a large emigration to the United States has thrown us all into such "paroxysms of spite and jealousy," that we have engaged in a scheme of systematic defamation that sets truth and consistency alike at defiance. To counteract this nefarious scheme, Mr. W. has taken the field-not so much to refute as to retort-not for the purpose of pointing out our errors, or exposing our unfairness, but, rather, if we understand him aright, of retaliating on us the unjust abuse we have been so long pour ing on others. In his preface, accordingly, he fairly avows it to be his intention to act on the offensive-to carry the war into the enemy's quarters, and to make reprisals upon the hon.

the insults which, he will have it, her writers have heaped on his country. He therefore proposes to point out,-not the natural com plexion, or genuine features, but the sores and blotches of the British nation," to the scorn and detestation of his countrymen; and having assumed, that it is the intention of Great Britain to educate her youth in sentiments of the most rancorous hostility to Amer ica," he assures us, that this design trill, and must be met with corresponding sentiments, on his side of the water!

As to the War itself, the motives in which it originated, and the spirit in which it was carried on, it cannot now be necessary to say any thing or, at least, when we say that havour and character of England, in revenge for ing once been begun, we think that it terminated as the friends of Justice and Liberty must have wished it to terminate, we conceive that Mr. Walsh can require no other explanation. That this result, however, should have left a soreness upon both sides, and especially on that which had not been soothed by success, is what all men must have expected. But, upon the whole, we firmly belive that this was far slighter and less durable than has generally been imagined; and was likely very speedily to have been entirely effaced, by those ancient recollections of kind- Now, though we cannot applaud the gen ness and kindred which could not fail to recur, erosity, or even the common humanity of and by that still more powerful feeling, to these sentiments-though we think that the which every day was likely to add strength, American government and people, if at all of their common interests, as free and as com- deserving of the eulogy which Mr. W. has mercial countries, and of the substantial con- here bestowed upon them, might, like Cromformity of their national character, and of well, have felt themselves too strong to care their sentiments upon most topics of public about paper shot-and though we cannot but and of private right. The healing operation, feel that a more temperate and candid tone however, of these causes was unfortunately would have carried more weight, as well as thwarted and retarded by the heats that rose more magnanimity with it, we must yet begin ou of the French revolution, and the new in- by admitting, that America has cause of com terests and new relations which it appeared plaint:—and that nothing can be more despi for a time to create:-And the hostilities in cable and disgusting, than the scornlity with which we were at last involved with America which she has been assailed by a portion of herself-though the opinions of her people, as the press of this country and that disgracewell as our own, were deeply divided upon ful as these publications are, they speak the both questions-served still further to embit-sense, if not of a considerable, at least of a