to their internal polity and domestic concerns, they all united and made common cause, without reference to birthplace or religious creed, in repelling the aggression and maintaining their rights of religious worship and of self-government, each person according to his own conscience, and each State according to its own internal policy. When their independence was achieved, they again united in establishing the Constitution of the United States, in which the same principles which had brought their fathers to America, and which had produced the Revolution, were affirmed and perpetuated. He denounced "Know-Nothingism" as an attempt to subvert those great fundamental principles, and called upon all the friends of free government and of religious freedom to unite in crushing it out as the common enemy of our republican institutions.

While Douglas was in Europe, he several times discussed this question with eminent statesmen. In the course of a conversation with the Swedish ambassador to Russia, the latter emphatically declared that every monarch in Europe would respond to the Austrian circular-on the release of Koszta by Captain Ingraham-denying the right of any Government to naturalize the subject of another Government. Senator Douglas asked him if his royal master, King Oscar, would join in such a declaration, and was answered in the affirmative. Whereupon Douglas gave the interesting chapter of Swedish history which recounts the naturalization of Marshal Bernadotte, the Frenchman, by Sweden, in opposition to the wishes of Napoleon. Bernadotte became king, and Oscar is his son. The Swede was embarrassed, and a Russian nobleman, taking up the theme, asserted the "European" principle. For him the American had a chapter of Russian history on the subject. The first object which attracted his attention when he anchored in the harbor of Odessa was a beautiful statue at the head of a long stone staircase which stretched from the seaside to the boulevards. It was erected to the Duke de Richelieu. Who was he? A Frenchman who had fled to St. Petersburg on the breaking out of the French Revolution. He was welcomed by the Emperor Paul, and immediately naturalized, without the consent of France, and made a general in the Russian army. When Alexander succeeded to the throne, Richelieu was made governor of Odessa and vice-regent of the

Russian dominions on the Black Sea, and on his death the inhabitants of Odessa had, in gratitude for his services, erected the monument. Douglas then asked the Russian by what right was Richelieu naturalized, the only reply to which was "an invitation to champagne." Still more recently the Senator from Illinois has said :

"Under our Constitution there can be no just distinction between the right of native-born and naturalized citizens to claim the protection of our Government at home and abroad. Unless naturalization releases the person naturalized from all obligations which he owed to his native country by virtue of his allegiance, it leaves him in the sad predicament of owing allegiance to two countries, without receiving protection from either, a dilemma in which no American citizen should ever be placed."*

In "Harper's Magazine" for September, 1859, Senator Douglas published an elaborate paper on "The Dividing Line between Federal and Local Authority," embracing a discussion of Popular Sovereignty in the Territories. It is a comprehensive application of his views to the Constitution, from which his positions are deducted. It is considered one of the ablest papers ever produced, and elevates the author, in the opinion of some of the foremost publicists, to the rank achieved only by the great constitutional lawyers and statesmen of the country. A week after its publication, Hon. J. S. Black, Attorney-General of the United States, issued, anonymously, "Observations on Senator Douglas's Views of Popular Sovereignty, as expressed in 'Harper's Magazine' for September, 1859;" to which Senator Douglas issued a reply in pamphlet form in October. Judge Black returned the compliment, and Douglas, though suffering from an almost fatal illness, published a rejoinder in November. In 1852, the name of Stephen A. Douglas was brought before the Baltimore Convention for the Presidency, and again at the Cincinnati Convention, where, on the sixteenth ballot, he received 122 votes. After this he withdrew, by telegraph from Washington, his name in favor of Mr. Buchanan. He was a thousandfold more anxious for the triumph of the Democratic party than for his own elevation; and, lest his continuance before the Convention might endanger its harmony, he desired Colonel Rich

*Peyton letter.

ardson to withdraw him, and begged his friends to vote for Buchanan, which they did, nominating him on the next ballot.* His name is again the most prominent one in the Democratic party before the country for the Presidency. Relative to the subject, Mr. Douglas, in reply to J. B. Dorr, Esq., of Dubuque, Iowa, asking if his friends were at liberty to present his name to the Charleston Convention for the Presidential nomination, gave the following contingencies, with which this sketch of the eminent statesman may aptly conclude :†—

"If as I have full faith they will-the Democratic party shall determine in the Presidential election of 1860 to adhere to the principles embodied in the Compromise measures of 1850, and ratified by the people in the Presidential election of 1852, and reaffirmed in the KansasNebraska Act of 1854, and incorporated into the Cincinnati platform in 1856, as expounded by Mr. Buchanan in his letter accepting the nomination, and approved by the people in his election,-in that event my friends will be at liberty to present my name to the Convention if they see proper to do so.

"If, on the contrary, it shall become the policy of the Democratic party — which I cannot anticipate—to repudiate these their time-honored principles, on which we have achieved so many patriotic triumphs, and, in lieu of them, the Convention shall interpolate into the creed of the party such new issues as the revival of the African slave-trade, or a Congressional slave-code for the Territories, or the doctrine that the Constitution of the United States either establishes or prohibits slavery in the Territories beyond the power of the people legally to control it as other property, it is due to candor to say that, in such an event, I could not accept the nomination if tendered to me."

While this work was passing through the press, Mr. Douglas submitted the following important resolution to the Senate, with a view to prevent the recurrence of such outrages as recently disgraced Harper's Ferry :

"Resolved, That the Committee on the Judiciary be instructed to report a bill for the protection of each State and Territory of the Union against invasion by the authorities or inhabitants of any other State or Territory, and for the suppression and punishment of conspiracies or combinations in any State or Territory, with intent to invade, assail, or molest the Government, inhabitants, property, or institutions of any other State or Territory of the Union."

* See "Official Proceedings of the National Democratic Convention held in Cincinnati, June 2-6, 1856. Published by order of the Convention." p. 46. †The letter is dated Washington, June 22, 1859.

EDWARD EVERETT,

OF MASSACHUSETTS.

THIS eminent man, whom an eloquent admirer suggests is the "Raphael of word-painting,"* was born in April, 1794, in the old Puritan town of Dorchester, Norfolk County, Massachusetts, and is descended from one of the earliest settlers of Massachusetts Bay, who established himself at Dedham, where the family still remains. He is a younger brother of Alexander Hill Everett, eminent in literature and diplomacy, who died in June, 1847, at Canton, where he succeeded Mr. Cushing as Minister Plenipotentiary; and fourth child of Oliver Everett, who, commencing life as a carpenter's apprentice, entered Harvard at the age of twenty-three, became a minister of the gospel at thirty, retired, after ten years' service, from ill health, and at the age of fortyseven was appointed Judge of the Common Pleas in Norfolk County, and died in that office in 1802, at the age of fifty-two.

The subject of this sketch went to the public schools of Dorchester and Boston, attended for a year the school kept by Ezekiel, the brother of Daniel Webster, and was prepared for college entrance at the academy at Exeter, New Hampshire, when the distinguished Dr. Benjamin Abbott was head-master. He entered Harvard College when only a few months more than thirteen years old, and left it at seventeen, with its first honors. He now bethought him of a profession,-showed some preference for the law, but changed his mind-at the instance, it is said, of President Kirkland and Mr. Buckminster-and took to divinity. He pursued this study for two years at Cambridge, and acted as Latin tutor during a portion of that time. In 1813, not yet twenty years old, he succeeded Mr. Buckminster in the Brattle

"The Golden Age of American Oratory," by Edward G. Parker, Boston,

Street Church, in Boston, and entered upon his arduous duties with such zeal as to materially impair his health. His discourses, even at this early age and succeeding so eloquent a preacher as Buckminster, drew very decided attention; and their hearty, honest eloquence created expectations which were not disappointed.

In 1814, he published quite an elaborate treatise, (five hundred pages,) entitled "A Defence of Christianity," in answer to "The Grounds of Christianity Examined," by George B. English. The exposition is said to be complete, was regarded as a successful effort, and, considering the youth of the author, may be classed among "the most remarkable productions of the human mind." Dr. Kage, Bishop of Lincoln, quoted it with respect, as the work of an able writer. In this same year, the late Samuel Eliot, of Boston, established, anonymously, a foundation for a Greek professorship at Cambridge. Mr. Everett was invited to the new chair, with the tempting offer of leave to visit Europe to recruit his health. He took the chair in 1815, before he was twenty-one, and departed for Europe.

On arriving at Liverpool, news was received of Napoleon's escape from Elba, which detained Mr. Everett in London until after the battle of Waterloo. He then went by the way of Holland to Göttingen, and entered the university there, famous in the eccentric verse of Canning. He remained more than two years, acquiring the German language, and making himself acquainted with the state of philological learning, the mode of instruction in the German universities, and those branches of ancient literature appropriate to his professorship. During the vacations he travelled in Prussia, Saxony, and Holland. Leaving Göttingen, he passed the winter of 1817-18 in Paris, in study, chiefly of the Romaic, preparatory to a tour in Greece. At this time he made the acquaintance of Adamantius Coray, or Coraes, whose writings and annotated editions of the old writers contributed so largely to the revival of Greek literature in Greece. In the spring of 1818, Mr. Everett went from Paris to London, passed a few weeks at Cambridge and Oxford, and made a tour through Wales, the lakes of Cumberland, and Scotland. During his stay in England he became on terms of intimacy with many eminent literary and political men, including Scott, Byron, Campbell,