of which the late Senator Adams, of Mississippi, was chairman. This gentleman addressed a letter-perhaps a circular-to Mr. Guthrie, requesting him to point out any abuses which had fallen under his observation, or any reforms to be made in the conducting of the business of the Government. It has been already remarked that Mr. Guthrie is by nature a reformer; and at this time he had been more than two years in office. Mr. Guthrie answered by stating, first, that he had already corrected all the abuses and made all the reforms within the province of the Treasury Department which were within his competency as the head of that Department, and gave a list of these reforms in detail. He next pointed out to Mr. Adams the abuses existing and the reforms to be made, which could only be effected by the authority of Congress; adding that he had repeatedly brought them before its notice without being able, as yet, to procure its action thereon; and, thirdly, he subjoined, that if there were any abuses to be corrected or reforms to be made in Congress, or in Departments of the Government other than the Treasury, he supposed that it was not for him to suggest them, but for Congress itself, or the heads of such Departments, to move in the

matter.

There is much more of a like kind in the history, character, and services of this eminent statesman which gladly would be presented if space permitted. One more anecdote, however, to show not merely the cast of Mr. Guthrie's mind, but his ideas of the authority and responsibility devolving on the guardian of the public Treasury relatively to the other members of the Government. This anecdote is given on the authority of General Cushing, in a speech delivered in Faneuil Hall. A claim had been presented on the Treasury by a gentleman in Washington, arising out of legislation of Congress, to the amount of $100,000 or more, and the Secretary, upon full argument on the law and facts of the case, had rejected the claim in writing. Some time after this decision, the President, having sent to the Treasury for the papers, brought the subject up in Cabinet meeting. It was discussed, various gentlemen expressing their views, Mr. Guthrie remaining silent. The President at length said, "Mr. Guthrie, this is a claim against your Department: we should like to hear your opinion on it." Mr. Guthrie immediately rose

and said, "Gentlemen, this case has been decided in the Treasury. Good-morning," and, putting on his hat, walked out; thereby intimating, General Cushing supposes, that if they were about to allow the claim they must get some other Secretary to do it.

Since Mr. Guthrie's return to Kentucky he has been devoted almost exclusively to the pursuit of his railroad-enterprise, and to the enjoyment of domestic and social intercourse. He does not understand, and, consequently, cannot practise, the arts of the politician. He probably thinks, with Lowndes, that the Presi dency is neither to be sought nor shunned.

JAMES H. HAMMOND,

OF SOUTH CAROLINA.

SENATOR HAMMOND is a native of the State he in part represents in the Upper House of Congress, having been born in the Newberry District, on the 15th of November, 1807. His father was a native of Massachusetts, and emigrated from that State to South Carolina, in 1802. The elder Hammond, an erudite and accomplished scholar, occupied the post of Professor of Mathematics in the (Columbia) South Carolina College, and bestowed the most anxious attention upon the education of his son,—training him with a care at once assiduous and genial, unremitting and unwearying. Those who delight in tracing or accounting for the mature effects of intellect will readily perceive in the speeches and writings of the Legislator, Governor, and statesman, the benefits of the solid foundation so devotedly laid by paternal solicitude in young Hammond's mind.

Admitted to the bar at the age of twenty-one, Mr. Hammond continued in the practice of that profession long enough to test his ability and give promise of future distinction.

Whenever great principles agitate localities, lawyers, more generally than the members of the other professions, become participants in the discussion of them. Their constant appearance in public, their readiness with pen and tongue, their resources in argument, naturally suggest to themselves and others the duty of expounding the leading questions of the day. Hence we find Mr. Hammond taking a leading part in the arena of politics as editor of the "Southern Times," of Columbia.

The Tariff policy inaugurated by the Federal Government in 1828 was regarded by South Carolina as a palpable assumption of undelegated, or rather as a gross abuse of delegated, power. The late General James Hamilton openly announced his intention to abandon his seat in Congress, being determined to resist at

home what he considered a stupendous system of fraud and iniquity; and "he boldly uttered to his constituents the startling announcement that it was the imperative duty of South Carolina to resist, at all and every hazard." That proud State, in her capacity of sovereignty, was about to assume an attitude of resistance. Mr. Hammond, having been educated in the Jeffersonian school of State's Rights, believed that in such cases a sovereign State had the right to interpose her veto. Accordingly, in the "Southern Times," he supported, and gave full illustration to, the arguments in favor of Nullification, in a series of spirited and able essays, which did much to shape and control public opinion in the exciting times which followed.

In 1831, Mr. Hammond withdrew from politics and law, and, having married Miss Fitzsimmons, a young lady of wealth and accomplishments, devoted himself to the independent life of a planter on the banks of the beautiful Savannah. His health had never been remarkably good, and an agricultural life, to which he became enthusiastically devoted, afforded an agreeable relaxation from severe studies and the exciting and exacting labors of public life.

The part Mr. Hammond had taken in giving voice to the unanimous feelings of South Carolina pointed him out to his fellow-citizens as one fitted to represent them in the National Councils; and his private life was invaded, in 1834, by the unanimous voice of his district. He was elected to Congress, and went to Washington. Unfortunately, from the state of his health, he was unable to serve out his term; but, while he occupied his seat, he greatly distinguished himself by an elevated tone of eloquence and patriotism. The question of the reception of Abolition petitions having been recently sprung upon Congress by the Society of Friends, of the State of Pennsylvania,—who begged the enactment of laws for the removal of slavery from the District of Columbia,-Calhoun objected on the instant of their presentation to all such petitions, and used the arguments by which President Jackson had recommended, and he (Calhoun) had advocated, the suppression by law of the circulation of all anti-slavery publications by mail in the Southern States. After a lengthened debate, the Senate recognised the right of petition by receiving the one in question, but, two days

after, on the 11th of March, 1836, rejected its prayer by a vote of 34 to 6.

In the House the same subject was under discussion. Mr. Hammond had made the first time it ever had been made― the question on the reception of petitions, John Quincy Adams taking the lead on the part of the Abolitionists. Scenes of great excitement took place, Mr. Adams persisting in presenting numerous petitions from men, women, and children. A general expression against the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia was elicited, and a resolution passed in opposition to a petition presented by Mr. Adams, which purported to be from eleven slaves in the town of Fredericksburg, declaring that slaves were not vested with the right to petition Congress.

Into this debate Mr. Hammond threw himself. He defended the constitutional rights of the Southern States with a promptitude and efficiency that for a time silenced all opposition, and secured for the orator the hearty and unanimous approbation of his constituents, and indeed of the whole South. Never," says a political writer of the South,* in a communication on the subject of this sketch and this period of his career,—“ never was a more timely or effective blow struck for the Constitution and the Union, or for the rights, the honor, and the salvation of the South." On withdrawing from the House of Representatives, Mr. Hammond determined to pay a short visit to Europe, with a view to combine the pleasures and instruction of foreign travel with the restoration of his health. Having spent a year and a half in Europe, visiting the chief seats of literature and art, and collecting many fine specimens of the latter, he returned to his home. He again engaged in the occupation of a planter, declining positively the urgent solicitations of his friends to suffer his name to be put a second time in nomination for Congress.

He consented, however, to accept from his fellow-citizens the honor of an appointment to the office of General of Brigade of the State militia, his attention having been for some time previous occupied with the importance of a complete reorganization of the militia system of South Carolina. On this subject he

* Mr. D. K. Whitaker, formerly of the "Southern Review," who kindly furnished me with many dates.