dent from falling into the hands of the House of Representatives, which at that time, as he stated, had a majority of “KnowNothing," Fusion, and Whig members. "Can we hesitate," he asked, “to meet the true men of the North and co-operate with them, when the dust of the fray in many hard-fought battles against Fusionists and Black Republicans is still settled on their garments? They have for more than twelve months been fighting for the Constitution and for the maintenance of your rights." Then, again, would South Carolina hesitate to meet her Southern friends at Cincinnati? On this point he wrote :— "Sooner or later we must learn the important truth that the fate and destiny of the entire South is identical. Isolation will give neither security nor concert. When we meet Virginia and Georgia, Alabama and Mississippi, in consultation, as at Cincinnati, it is the supremacy of pharisaism to flippantly denounce such association as either dangerous or degrading. North Carolina, Missouri, Florida, and Texas will be there represented; and are we too exalted or conceited to meet them at the same councilboard ?" Suffice it to say, South Carolina took Orr's advice, and sent delegates to the National Convention.

In the Thirty-Fourth Congress, Mr. Orr took an active part on the committee raised to investigate the charges of corruption made by the press against the House, and which resulted in the resignation of Mr. Gilbert, Mr. Edwards, and Mr. Matteson, of New York,

Preceding the organization of the Thirty-Fifth Congress, (December 7, 1857,) Mr. Orr, was nominated for Speaker in the Democratic caucus by acclamation and without opposition, and elected on the first ballot, receiving 128 votes,-113 being necessary to a choice. Hon. Galusha A. Grow, of Pennsylvania, received 84 votes. On taking the chair, the Speaker briefly returned thanks for the honor conferred upon him, and reminded the House that the great interests confided to its charge admonished every member to cultivate a patriotism as expansive as the Republic itself. He cherished the ardent hope that the public duties would be discharged so as to uphold the Constitution, preserve the Union of the States, quicken their prosperity, and build up the greatness and the glory of our common country.

The elevation of Mr. Orr to the high dignity of Speaker gave great satisfaction to the Democratic party. When the news reached his more immediate constituents in Anderson, an enthusiastic meeting was held at the court-house in his honor. In the afternoon, banners were displayed, with suitable inscriptions, from the public buildings and private residences; mottoes complimentary to their distinguished fellow-citizen were displayed, amid the firing of artillery and the inspiring strains of music. Resolutions endorsing Mr. Orr's past and present career with entire and unqualified approval were passed, for one of which we make

room :

"Resolved, That the singular degree of unanimity with which this distinguished honor has been conferred upon him by the Democratic party-the only constitutional party in the Union-is peculiarly gratifying to his immediate constituency, and is but a just tribute to the merits of one who has proved himself a wise and comprehensive legislator, a bold and sagacious statesman, as well as an independent and fearless patriot."

The Thirty-Fifth Congress-especially the first session—was a continuous scene of unusual excitement. The complications of debate growing out of party exigencies, personal antipathies emanating from the wildness of sectional sympathies, the desire of either party to confound action when it could not defeat it, the white-heat to which passion had been wrought during the long sittings and wearying entanglements caused by the fuglemen of all sides in the exciting days and nights of the LecomptonKansas discussions, rendered the Speaker's position one of an extremely responsible nature. If he had failed, through want of presence of mind or a quick knowledge of the rules of the House, at any moment to decide uprightly between the combatants on the floor, or to see through the expedients set forth to thwart or stay the systematic course of the measures under discussion, legislation might have taken a course as tedious as it would have been turbulent. Throughout the records of some of those scenes of excitement, which have in part become historic, the Speaker's name appears as frequently as that of any of the gentlemen addressing him, settling points of dispute, replying to inquiries as to the course to be pursued, determining the stage at which resolutions, substitutes, amendments, and motions were

at the moment, and keeping together and directing with calm persistency and impartiality the whole legislative machinery. On some occasions nothing less than Mr. Orr's presence and energy could have restrained the infuriate feelings conjured up in hot debate, or have restored to order those who had lost control of themselves. None of the decisions made by Mr. Orr during his administration of the Speakership were overruled by the House. The closing scenes of a session are always noisy: those attending the close of the Thirty-Fifth Congress were especially so. The large new hall of the House was crowded on the morning of March 4, 1859. The galleries were jammed, and the entrances beset with groups anxious to take a last look at the Congress whose deliberations had so excited the nation. The sitting had been prolonged all through the night in vain attempts to get all the appropriation bills through The Post-Office bill was left in the lurch, also the bills providing for the redemption of Treasury Notes and a change in the Tariff. The opposition were killing time by calling for the yeas and nays, and the hour of noon was fast approaching. Members were lounging about, now and then looking toward the clock; some were tying up their papers, or bidding each other "Good-bye." A dozen buzzing groups were deaf to the occasional raps of the Speaker's hammer. At one end of the hall, William Smith O'Brien-escorted by General Shields and Alexander H. Stephens, and to whom was extended the courtesy of the floor-was receiving the congratulations of a perfect stream of Senators and Representatives, which attracted the eyes and inquiries of the galleries, when-the Clerk still calling the yeas and nays-Mr. Speaker Orr announced the hour of twelve, and made a brief and very suitable address, in which he said,

"The vote of thanks which you have offered me gives me assurance that my administration has been acceptable to you; and for that I thank you. I have throughout my term sought most earnestly to do exact and equal justice to individuals, parties, and sections; and if I have failed in the purpose through error or prejudice, I now crave your pardon.

"Trusting, gentlemen, that our deliberations here may realize for this great Republic the most prosperous development of all its immense resources, and invoking upon you through life the richest blessings of kind Heaven, I bid you farewell, and perform my last official act by declaring the Thirty-Fifth Congress at an end."

Mr. Orr had announced his design of retiring from public life during the first session; and men of all parties agreed with Mr. E. Kingman that the determination was "much to be regretted, not only as a social, but as a great political, loss to Congress. Such men as Colonel Orr give grace and dignity to the legislative body and to the circles in which they move."

In the recess between the sessions he took farewell of his constituents at Craytonville, in a speech which attracted, and, for particular reasons, will attract, attention. In addition to the views with which the readers of this sketch are familiar, Mr. Orr came very boldly out in opposition to the opening of the slavetrade. When Governor Adams mooted this subject in his message to the South Carolina Legislature, Mr. Orr introduced a resolution into the House of Representatives declaring "that it was unwise, inexpedient, and contrary to the settled policy of the United States, to repeal the laws prohibiting the African slavetrade." This resolution was passed with but eight dissentient votes,―seven of whom subsequently avowed themselves opposed to reopening the trade. The resolution, coming from so prominent a Southern man as Mr. Orr, becomes of great importance,— the more so from the manner in which he has illustrated its text since.

In his speech at Craytonville, he condemned the idea as impracticable, and impolitic if practicable. If Northern or English manufacturers were to advocate the scheme, he could understand it; but that Southern planters should be urged to adopt a policy which would depreciate their productions for the benefit of the consumers, was to him incomprehensible. The agitation of such a scheme could, in his mind, effect nothing, save the division and disruption of the South. The laws against the trade are Federal; and Mr. Orr, in view of the effect of his resolution, may well ask,

"Who believes that the laws prohibiting that trade will ever be repealed so long as this Government exists? Who is so credulous as to believe that a majority of the Representatives of the South will ever vote for their repeal? Does it not take a sanguine man to persuade himself that a single county in any State would elect a Representative to the State Legislature on such an issue? Why agitate, then? Is it to furnish Black Republicans with material to keep up a counter-agitation in their section of the Union?

"A few years since, when we were opposing the Wilmot Proviso, one of the dangers most to be apprehended, we were told, was that our slave population would soon become so numerous by natural increase that they would become valueless; now that event is sought to be hastened by pouring in upon us a horde of wild Africans."

The doctrines and principles upon which it is sought to reopen the trade have, in Mr. Orr's opinion, no foundation in humanity, philosophy, morality, or religion.

He is also opposed to a slave-code for the Territories, believing it a violation by the South of her plighted faith to the principles of the Washington, Utah, New Mexico, Kansas, and Nebraska Acts,-non-intervention by Congress with slavery in the Territories. He is for maintaining Southern faith in this as in all other cases with honorable exactness. He believes the majority of the Southern people are opposed to, and will repudiate, any and all Congressional interference with the matter. The Dred Scott decision protects the rights of property in the Territories; the police legislation regulating it cannot be safely or wisely committed by the South to Congress.

Such is an epitome of Mr. Orr's political career and views. As a thinker he is clear and logical, and as a speaker direct and full of striking force. He enjoys very high professional reputation as a lawyer, and during the recesses has devoted much of his time to the active duties of the bar. Skilful, well versed in common law, a strict constructionist of the Constitution, and guided by the intelligence of the framers of our Government, his opinions are justly regarded with great deference. In addition to his political and professional duties, Mr. Orr delivered, among other addresses, the anniversary oration at Erskine College, in 1846, on General Education; an oration at Mercer University, of Georgia, in 1851; and the anniversary oration at Furman University, South Carolina, 1855; also the inaugural at the opening of the hall of the South Carolina Institute, Charleston. In all the relations of life in which Mr. Orr has appeared, he has won the esteem of good and great men as well as the popular applause; and he will carry with him into-it is to be hoped temporary-retirement the best wishes of his associates and late

constituents.