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to little advantage, we return to the perhaps, have mistaken his means, for Medicean history. At the death of who is infallible ? and he probably made a John Gaston, the author sums up the false estimate of national character; but character of the Medici, enlarging his objects and motives were as sincere, chiefly upon the second dynasty. He noble, and honest as his benevolence was allows them little praise where they raise the people to a state of higher intel,
unbounded. His great ambition was to have usually been allowed a prescrip- lectual dignity, moral
attainment, physical tive title to it, viz. in the patronage of comfort, and virtue, and to annihilate literature.*
superstition. In physical improvements "The Augustine age of Florentine genius he succeeded, but for the rest the nation was not produced by the Medici, though was not generally ready, and he failed." promoted and encouraged by them all. (p. 391.)
The Augustine age of Italy was The eleventh chapter contains an also that of excessive vice, of cruelty, of oppression, treachery, and assassination, in the Maremma and Val-di-Chiana,
account of the physical improvements and the Medici were conspicuous in all."
with six lithographic maps. The last, (p. 598.9.)
shewing the state of the plain of The last volume contains the reigns Crosseto at different times from the of Francis II. Leopold I. and Ferdi- year 300 to 1830, is curious. They nand III. There is a little confusion, as are copied from Tarlini's maps, pubthe successor of Francis is alternately lished at Florence in 1838. called Leopold and Peter Leopold, as The concluding chapter on the reign well as first and second, which latter of Ferdinand III. is little more than a only belongs to him as Emperor of Ger- table of contents, and half of this is a many. The author has taken great retrospective panegyric on Leopold. pains with this part of the work, in The events of the French Revolution, which he had the materials amassed and the Royalist re-action, would have in his Life of Ricci to assist him, on afforded matter for regular history, and the subject of “the deep, artful, and as this volume is one of the smallest, harassing opposition to Leopold's ec there was no obvious necessity for clesiastical reforms, their painful pro- compression. The want of an index gress, and lamentable termination.” (p. is a serious defect. 184.) This is true, but we are sorry to Our readers are now enabled to add that there is an ignorant flippancy judge of the merits and blemishes of in the way in which he speaks of the this history. For our own part we observance of the Sabbath. (p. 328-9.) consider it much too long as a whole, It is a great matter to know where and we suspect that if it reaches posone's province begins and ends, on terity it must first have disencumneither of which points does the author bered itself of at least one-half of its seem very clear.
burthen. The picture which is given of the monastic life, and founded, as we need not particularise, on documents printed The Mission of the Comforter, and in the Life of Ricci, is frightful. This other Sermons, with Noies. By J. chapter (the tenth of book iv.), with C. Hare, M.A. Archdeacon of Lewes, the caution we have suggested, de
8vo. 2 vols. serves to be read by students of Church THE first five of these sermons, on history in general.
“ The Mission of the Comforter," “ Leopold feared, and in a certain de
were preached before the University gree deserved the accusation of having
of Cambridge, in 1840; and the others abandoned Ricci;
on various occasions ; but as they was fast breaking up: both moral and seemed not ill-suited for a place in the physical energies were yielding before same work, their object being to set the troubles, misfortunes, and ingratitude forth the character, office, and destiwhich preyed on his spirit, and shortened nation of the Church, they are accordhis existence.
Leopold was re. ingly subjoined. moved too soon ; he might sometimes,
To these sermons a body of notes
is appendel, which has confessedly “They whom science loved to name." swelled out far beyond the author's
expectation. As there is some diffi
the perhaps, have mistaken his means, for h of who is infallible ? and he probably made a p the false estimate of national character; but rging
his objects and motives were as sincere, He
noble, and honest as his benevolence was they
unbounded. His great ambition was to
raise the people to a state of higher intel. crip- lectual dignity, moral attainment, physical
comfort, and virtue, and to annihilate
superstition. In physical improvements Repius he succeeded, but for the rest the nation ough was not generally ready, and he failed." - all. (p. 391.)
The eleventh chapter contains an cy, of
account of the physical improvements -tion,
in the Maremma and Val-di-Chiana, all." with six lithographic maps. The last
, shewing the state of the plain of -igns Crosseto at different times from the rdi
year 300 to 1830, is curious. They
are copied from Tarlini's maps, pubtely lished at Florence in 1838. 7, as
The concluding chapter on the reiga tter of Ferdinand III. is little more than a Ger- table of contents, and half of this is a reat retrospective panegyric on Leopold. -, in The events of the French Revolution, ssed and the Royalist re-action, would have
afforded matter for regular history, and and
as this volume is one of the smallest,
there was no obvious necessity for ro- compression. The want of an index (p. is a serious defect. to
Our readers are now enabled to cy judge of the merits and blemishes of he this history. For our own part we ) consider it much too long as a whole
, and we suspect that if it reaches posterity it must first have disencumbered itself of at least one-half of its
culty "in explaining the three preg its contents and style. All that nant verses in which our Lord declares be done is to assure the reader wl the threefold work of the Comforter," ther the work deserves his attenti he thought it useful to show how they perusal, which it certainly does. I have been interpreted in various ages, verses of which it treats are some and thus to aid the student in esti the most important in the Gospe mating the kind of light be may ex and such a body of annotation as t pect from different periods in the his archdeacon has subjoined is not to tory of theology. For while, as he met with elsewhere. There is, pe argues, a critical study of the divinity haps, a want of that lucidity whi of former times will be beneficial, "on clears the way before the reader, the other hand, if, as we have seen in that he knows to what point he h several instances, the end of this study advanced, and need neither turn ba is merely to make us repeat by rote or look forward in search of what b what was said in the fourth century, not yet occurred. We say this, ho or in the fourteenth, instead of be ever, with reference to particul coming wiser, we sha become fools parts, rather than the whole ; and isher." (Preface, p. ix.)
burthen. e 1 1 The Mission of the Comforter, and
other Sermons, with Notes. By J. C. Hare, M.A. Archdeacon of Lewes, 8vo. 2 vols.
THE first five of these sermons, on “ The Mission of the Comforter," were preached before the University of Cambridge, in 1840; and the others on various occasions, but as they seemed not ill-suited for a place in the same work, their object being to set forth the character, office, and destination of the Church, they are accordingly subjoined.
To these sermons a body of notes is appended, which bas confessedly swelled out far beyond the author's expectation. As there is some diffi
balance it, there are portions of pec In speaking on present controver liar excellence, as for instance, at sies, he says,
71-81, where it is shown how or “ I have felt it an especial duty to call present mode of education fails the attention of my readers again and again producing the results which are con to the inestimable blessings of the Re- templated in the text. In note formation, as evinced in the expansion of the archdeacon gives his reasons fa theology, no less than in the purification preferring the marginal reading co of religion.”
vince, to the common one reprove. And further,
a summary of the subject, we quos “Now that the battle of the Reformation
these passages from Sermon iv. c
“ The Conviction of Judgment.” is renewed, now that the Reformers are attacked with unscrupulous ignorance and " The Comforter will convince ti virulence, now that the principles which
world of judgment. We have seen ho animated them are impugned and denied, He convinces the world, how He convinc now that the whole course of events, pre each individual soul, of the sin of not be viously and subsequently, as well as at
lieving in Christ; and how He leads us t that time, is strangely misrepresented and
cast away that sin, whereby we were ci distorted, it becomes necessary to defend
off from God and all goodness; to give u the truth, not only by asserting its majesty
our hearts to faith, to believe and to find and repelling its foes, but also by carrying power in our faith, which will deliver u the war into the enemy's country.” (p.xi.) from ourselves and from sin. We hay This alludes chiefly to note W, in
seen how He convinces the world and eac which the character of Luther is de- individual soul of Christ's righteousness fended against various recent attacks,
how He convinces us that Christ, in the and to which we shall return. The
He went to the Father, manifested himsel
to be the Lord our Righteousness; an archdeacon, who is well read in the
how He leads us to seek to be clothed i German divines, also calls the opinions the righteousness which Christ bas ob in Mr. Newman's sermons, and in the
tained for us.” (p. 126.). writings of some of his followers, on “ The conviction of judgment, ... i that subject-erroneous ; and Mr. preparatory to our sanctification. The judg Dewar's work on German Protestant ment with which our Lord judged th ism, worthless.*
Prince of this World may be regarded a From a work, which is a compendium twofold: it was a judgment of absolute an on the subject of John xvi. 7-11, it entire condemnation; and it was a judg is difficult to make a series of ex
ment of utter overthrow and confusion.. tracts which shall give a full idea of The judgment against the Prince of this
World was indeed completed and consum.
mated by the sacrifice on the Cross * “ Ignorance, however, has not been si (Serm. v. p. 159.) They who have beer lenced, and, when it is maledicent, is sure truly convinced of judgment will no longer to find a credulous auditory; and thus cleave to that which they know their Sa. even Mr. Dewar's worthless book is quoted viour has condemned: they will no longer and extolled as an authority." (p. xii.) walk in the train of him whom their
master has overcome and cast out.” (Ibid. (612.) of the Fathers, he considers p. 164.)
Chrysostom (on John vii. 39) far more
satisfactory than Augustin (439); but The doctrine implied in the words
he remarks, that a narrow lifeless " It is expeclient for you that I go
character is often given to the exposiaway,” is practically well applied in Ser.
tions of the Fathers, by their aptness i. p. 17, to the successive changes of
to reter words spoken, and things done, human life. But the concluding pas
to the past only, without considering gage of the same sermon (p. 19-21)
what was permanent in them. (536.) which belongs to the kind denomi
Luther, “ as he is wont, goes straight nated experimental, is of first-rate
to the heart of the truth."* (443.) beauty and value. We commend it
At p. 449 a parallel is drawn between to the perusal of all who have found him
him and Calvin, in which the latter is the path of religion grow rough when his
highly praised for fulness and precision. they expected it to be smooth. It may
Our author professedly gives long exbe suinmed up, as leading the inquirer
tracts from Luther's writings, to show to look less at the pattern of Christ,
how far superior his expositions of and more at the Saviour's work, thus
Scripture are, in primary truths, to calling him off from a strength which
the best among the Fathers, even of is his own, to the source of another, which is divine. To some this will appear obscure, but those for whom it “When we come upon these truths in is calculated will discern its worth. Luther, after wandering through the dusky
The author has adopted a peculiar twilight of the preceding centuries, it seems orthography, as preacht for preached, almost like the sunburst of a new revela&c. in which we have not followed him.
tion, or rather as if the sun, which set The notes are replete with quota
when St. Paul was taken away from the tions from writers of various times,
earth, had suddenly started up again."
(p. 579.) as well as critical remarks on translators and annotators. Bishop An- Note W, which extends from p. drewes " seldom lets any rational view 656 to 878, is devoted to a vindication of a subject escape him;" but the late of Luther from various aspersions in Oxford reprint of his sermons is blamed modern writers, such as Mr. Hallam, for verbal inaccuracy. He often, it is Mr. Ward, Sir W. Drummond, &c. further remarked, spins out a me- On the ground which these writers taphor in lieu of an argument. (403, have traversed in their way, the arch421.) “Cartwright is able and pious, deacon feels himself at home. He conthough too scholastic and technical." siders that the tone of Mr. Hallam's (453.Hammond is sensible, though unfavourable remarks is traceable to never profound, and" is fond of taking Bossuet's misrepresentations. (p. 666.) the words of the New Testament in The note is too long to analyse, and their lowest and narrowest sense; and too important to be passed over : we thus, along with Grotius, must rank hope that the author will enlarge it among the precursors of the rational into a separate essay; but, at all events, izing exegesis of the next century." it will have an effect on the future (454, 547.) Baxter is simple, clear, tone of ecclesiastical history. and sound (465); Lightfoot "sensible Part of this note is intended to de. and intelligent, in addition to his great fend Luther against the charge of learning.” (639.) Beveridge is learned Antinomianism. On the alleged disand pious (464); Matthew Henry paragement of St. James's epistle, the fresh and rich in scriptural illustration. archdeacon shows that it is relative, (467.) Offoreigners, Lampeis“learned not positive, as though that epistle did and elaborate." (409.) Bengel's Gno- not bear on the question in hand; and mon “ manifests the most intimate and that Luther himself omitted the exprofoundest knowledge of the Scrip- pression in later editions of his preface tures." (405.) Bossuet's Meditation to the German Testament. (p. 815.) on John xvi. ü. is rhetorical, vague, and empty, and has that air of un- The exposition of John xiv.-xvi. is reality, not to say untruth, which so termed one of the most precious of his often characterises French eloquence. works."
other, Augustin :
r.” (Ibid. (642.) Of the Fathers, he considers
Chrysostom (on John vii. 39) far more e words satisfactory than Augustin (439); but at I go character is often given to the exposi
he remarks, that a narrow lifeless Tin Ser. tions of the Fathers, by their aptness
to refer words spoken, and things done, ng pas. to the past only, without considering 19-21) what was permanent in them. (536.
Luther, " as he is wont, goes straight st-rate
to the heart of the truth."* (443.) end it At p. 449 a parallel is drawn between found
him and Calvin, in which the latter is when
highly praised for fulness and precision. It may Our author professedly gives longerquirer tracts from Luther's writings, to show Christ
, how far superior his expositions of -, thus which
Scripture are, in primary truths, to
the best among the Fathers, even of 11
apom it “When we come upon these truths in h. Luther, after wandering through the dusky uliar twilightof the preceding centuries, it seems ched, almost like the sunburst of a new revela. him. tion, or rather as if the sun, which set ota
when St. Paul was taken away from the
earth, had suddenly started up again." mes,
(p. 579.) An Note W, which extends from p. view 656 to 878, is devoted to a vindication late of Luther from various aspersions in ned modern writers, such as Mr. Hallam, it is Mr. Ward, Sir W. Drummond, &c.
On the ground which these writers 03, have traversed in their way, the arch!1s, deacon feels himself at home. He con1." siders that the tone of Mr. Hallam's h unfavourable remarks is traceable to ig Bossuet's misrepresentations. (p. 666.
) The note is too long to analyse, and d too important to be passed over: we s hope that the author will enlarge it ; into a separate essay; but, at all events
He has been accused of saying, “ The tions has acquired... Able as the 6 Book of Esther I toss into the Elbe;" toire des Variations unquestionably is but his original expression was “the regarded as the statement and pleading third book of Esther,” meaning the
an unprincipled and unscrupulous ad apocryphal Esdras, which Jerome him cate, it is anything but a great work. self reckons among the procul abji
no work can be great, unless it be writi
with a paramount love of truth; this is cienda. (p. 818.) Luther's words have
moral element of all genius ; and with undergone two transformations, the it the finest talents are worth little mo one in omitting the distinguishing term
than a conjuror's sleight of hand. Bossu third, and the other in substituting in this book, never seems to have set hi Esther for Esdras. This shows how self the problem of speaking the truth, incorrectly his conversations have been a thing to be arrived at. ... Never once reported (to say nothing of increasing believe, from the first page to the last errors in reprinting), and how unsafe he try heartily to make out what the r it is to build conclusions upon them. fact was.”, (p; 860-1.), “It is full ti The archdeacon observes on miscel
that a work which has been exalted so lanies of this kind,
beyond its worth for a century and a ha
should be cast down to its proper place “ Some collections of table-talk are (p. 866.) indeed interesting and delightful; but they Of Luther's character he says, “T should always be read in an indulgent, not more one knows of him the grand in a censorious, spirit. The only safe rule he becomes, the more too he wins n is to ascribe whatever we find that is wise, merely reverence, but love.” (p. 855 or ingenious, or instructive to the speaker, since that is not likely to have been in
In the latter part of the notes t vented by the reporter; while the blunders, archdeacon, we think, is led rath the absurdities, the extravagances should far by his wish to conciliate Nonco be overlooked, from the probability that
formists. Writers in general ado they may be the scribe's interpolations or the complaints of that body, withoi perversions, or that they may have had considering whether any very
differe some unrecorded justification at the mo result could possibly have been arrive ment." .". (p. 817.)
at. No scheme of comprehension cou. As to the defence of Luther's lan have been devised that would has guage at p. 773, let those who are not materially altered their number ; fc satisfied with it read that of Erasmus how could the Anabaptists have cos concerning his own Colloquies, for we lesced with Pædobaptists, and th suspect that on the score of language Presbyterians and Independents wit the latter had the harder task to per- Episcopalians? The Church was bot form.
Pædobaptist and Episcopalian, an We would gladly enlarge upon this must either have essentially altere head, but no analysis, such as could her nature, or things must have re be made here, would be sufficient; so mained much as they did. The list we pass on to the character which the Nonconformists, we suspect, has bee archdeacon has given of Bossuet and swelled by the names of persons wh his “ Variations :"
were ejected to make room for th “ Indeed, if anything were surprising
lawful incumbents, or for want of an among the numberless Tapaloya of litera legal title. Thus while Calamy's wor ture, one should marvel at the inordinate professes to give a long list of
person reputation which the Histoire des Varia. who were ejected by the Act of Uni
formity, he includes Mr. John Gibb
of Newport Pagnel, who was • While we are writing this, the follow- fessedly put out some months" befor ing passage in Mr. Preston's recent trans.
, it will have an effect on the future tone of ecclesiastical history.
Part of this note is intended to defend Luther against the charge of Antinomianism. On the alleged dis
the Act. lation of " Ecclesiastes” has come under Marshall, was presented by the Crown
Gibbs's successor, Rober our view. "The learned Huet and others January 16, 1660, which is more thai have asserted that Luther spoke disparagingly of the Book of Ecclesiastes; but
some months; the Act only took effec the fact is, that the remarks in his Table
in August 1662.
If such cases are Talk, which led them to say so, are not
included it is easy to make out a list with respect to this book, but to that of but criticism would probably reduce Jesus the son of Sirach.”' (Prolegomena, it to narrower limits
. Calamy say: p. 12.)
that Mr. Gibbs's offence was refusing
paragement of St. James's epistle
, the archdeacon shows that it is relative, not positive, as though that epistle did not bear on the question in hand; and that Luther himself omitted the ex• pression in later editions of his preface to the German Testament. (p. 815.)
* The exposition of John xiv..xvi. is ermed "one of the most precious of his vorks."
to admit the whole parish to the Lord's kind of information which BuonaSupper, and this assertion has been parte's nation of shopkeepers should introduced into a modern inscription be desirous to possess. in the Independent chapel at New The Jew, the inventor of bills of port Pagnel. The assertion, however, exchange, and the Lombard, seem to amounts to an impossibility. Not only have been the earliest true commercial does the Sacramental Rubric enjoin the men of England; and, as the Jews colcontrary practice, but the canons are lected much personal property, some explicit upon it, particularly the 26th, of our early kings showed no little inwhich excludes notorious offenders, the genuity in transferring some of it to best comment on which is chap. xxii. their own treasures, by processes for of Herbert's Country Parson, where it is which they found names that might said, " he administereth to none but the conceal their injustice, such as tallage, reverent." As the current story then amerciaments for misdemeanours, rancannot be true, we need not inquire soms, compositions, protection, and the what foundation it had ; but that Mr. like; and, under pretence that the Gibbs may have made himself enemies Lombards were extortioners, Edward by rigidity on this point is possible, III. seized their wealth an act which which we believe to be the whole we should have taken for extortion truth of the matter. He never had had we not thus found it to be a royal any legal presentation to the vicarage, correction of extortion. Charles the and the Crown exercised its right at First, Mr. Francis tells us, "condethe Restoration. His case, however, scended to answer his royal necessities shows that party statements must be with 200,000l., which his loving subreceived very cautiously.*
jects, the merchants, had deposited for
safety in the Mint, leaving a thousand History of the Bank of England, its breadless families to ponder on their
Times and Traditions. By John neglect of the warning of the Psalmist Francis. 2 rols. 8vo.
Put not your trust in princes.'” THOUGH we, alas ! have but slight All this seems to show that, however cause to mark in our calendar the strong our commerce may now have transfer days at the Bank, and are grown, it had not kings for its nursing but seldom the happy holders of the fathers, unless, indeed, we take the gracious promises of the Governor royal dealings which Mr. Francis narand Company of the Bank of England” rates to us to have been only wholeto give us gold whenever we micht some fatherly correcuons. choose to go after it, and have never The Bank of England was projected had so much experience as we would by William Paterson, who headed the
the relative good offices of gold and unhappy colony that went out with paper representative, and therefore great hope, in 1698, to the Isthmus of
Iter ourselves quite competent Darien, and either died there, or came to deal with the mysteries of the great again brokenhearte". palace of Pluto, the Bank of England it was established in 1694, under an honour of submitting his work to our corpor
Francis has done us the act which muniticently authorised a
ubmitting his work to our corporation, to be called “ The Gotical authority, we cannot well do vernor and Company of the Bank of less than introduce it to our readers. England." to raise 1,200,0006., and
Mr. Francis, then, has collected a lend it to GererHINENI, at eign great body of materials for the history
cent, per annum. of the Bank of England, and therefore That such a Bank, and a paper.us of our currency, and has deliverein them
denlere rency, may be necessary in a highly in a narrative which is suthi commercial community, and that they ciently lively to engage the mind, have been ot service to the public, we while it affords it a great deal of that are not preran nor disposeul to deny i
but very few human schemes are of What is erroneously asserted of Nr. Gibbo's case, actually occurred in that of
unninglesi goodi. A paper currency Jonathan Edvards, an eminent minister
Stems to have create a new crime forgery: IN We can help thinking -uay the gat men or many promises forgive the thes-that the Bank
ataong the Presbyterians in America. Se hueLiteby Harkesley, chap. 4.