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been denied to Wendell Phillips, the city authorities could not consistently allow its use for those who approved the compromise measures. This provoked a storm of indignation, since the action was regarded as a reflection on Webster's course.*

For some time Webster's path had not been of the smoothest. Charles Allen, a Free Soil member from Worcester, Massachusetts, made a severe attack in the House upon Webster's private character. A proposition to appropriate money for the last instalment of the indemnity due Mexico under the treaty of 1848, amounting to more than $3,000,000, was under discussion, and Webster had contracted with a syndicate of Boston, New York, and Washington bankers to pay this sum. The syndicate agreed to pay 3% per cent. premium for the privilege. During the discussion it was charged that, as the Rothschilds would have given 4 per cent., the Government had lost several thousand dollars through Webster's fault. Accordingly, Allen claimed that Webster should have nothing to do with the pecuniary concerns of the Government on the ground that he was less a servant of the Government than of bankers and brokers. Allen further stated that before Webster took the position of Secretary of State he had written to Boston to ascertain what would be done for him in a financial way. An arrangement had then been

See Webster's letters regarding this in Curtis, Life of Webster, vol. ii., pp. 499-501.

made whereby the bankers and brokers of Boston and New York were to raise $25,000 for him in each city as a compensation for taking the position in the Cabinet. This, Allen said, proved that the Secretary of State was a pensioner of Wall Street and State Street, and that he had allowed the bankers and brokers to recoup at the expense of the Government. The charge was not only shameful but entirely groundless, and the House refused even to consider a resolution appointing a committee of investigation; instead, it soon passed the appropriation.*

The most exciting event of the summer was the expedition to Cuba under the command of General Narciso Lopez, a prominent Spanish official, who, after several escapades, had gone to Cuba where he was employed in various capacities by Geronimo Valdes, governor-general of that island. He soon became absorbed in a project to throw off the yoke of Spain, and upon capture in 1848 was sentenced to death by the authorities, but escaped to the United States.† In that year the impression got abroad that the Cubans were preparing to throw off the yoke of Spain and were endeavoring to secure military sup

Rhodes, United States, vol. i., pp. 213–215. Allen's charge will be found in Congressional Globe, vol. xxiii., pp. 686, 696, vol. xxiv., p. 371 et seq. Remarks in defence of Webster will be found in ibid., vol. xxiii., pp. 687, 697, vol. xxiv., pp. 373, 375. See also Curtis, Life of Webster, vol. ii., pp. 491-497.

Chadwick, Relations of the United States and Spain, p. 230.

Nevertheless, preparations for the expedition were continued and a military organization was effected at New Orleans, with the aid of General John A. Quitman. Lopez finally gathered together 750 men at New Orleans, and, on April 25, 1850, 250 of these, under Colonel Theodore O'Hara, left New Orleans in the Georgiana, followed on May 2 by the Susan Loud with 170 more, and on May 7 by the Creole with Lopez and the remainder. At midnight, May 19, the landing was made at Cardenas, from which place Lopez issued a bombastic proclamation to the Cuban people, but instead of meeting with encouragement he was treated as an invader, and after a bloody skirmish in which he burned the governor's house and seized some bags of specie, was compelled to reembark in the Creole. He desired to make another effort elsewhere, but the men refused. Thereupon the ship departed for Key West, the nearest American port, about 100 miles distant. Just as the party reached their destination they were overtaken by

* Richardson, Messages and Papers, vol. v., pp.

7-8.

the Spanish war vessel Pizarro. The Spanish commander demanded the return of the stolen money and the surrender of the filibusters, but the American authorities refused to comply with the demand. The Creole was seized by the port officers and confiscated, but the men were allowed to disperse, apparently without any effort at detention. Lopez was arrested at Savannah, but was released, as evidence that he had violated the neutrality laws was insufficient to hold him.* *

Meanwhile

the passengers and

crews of the Georgiana and Susan Loud had been seized and taken to Havana, and a demand for their release, made by the American consul and by Captain Randolph of the sloop of war Albany, was refused. Commodore Charles Morris was then sent to Havana by the Department of State to demand the release of the prisoners and the return of the vessels, together with the payment of damages for their capture and detention. A copy of these instructions was sent to Mr. Barringer, the American minister at Madrid, who immediately laid the matter before the Spanish Secretary of State, the Marquis of Pidal. Barringer asserted that the prisoners taken at Contoy were bona fide passengers for California, that the Island of Contoy, near Yucatan, was subject

* Chadwick, Relations of the United States and Spain, pp. 230–233. See also An authentic History of the Cuban Expedition; Von Holst, Constitutional and Political History, vol. iv., pp. 49

50.

to the sovereignty of Mexico, that the seizure on the territory of a third and friendly power was in derogation of American rights, and that the United States could not recognize such a right or pretension. Pidal absolutely refused to accede to this view.* Nevertheless, the 42 California passengers and the "foremost hands " of the two vessels were released, but the master of the Georgiana and the two mates were sentenced to long terms of imprisonment. On September 10 they were sent from Havana to Spain, but the American demands caused their release and on November 16, 1850, they were sent home.t

Lopez then renewed his efforts to organize an expedition against Cuba. He fell in with a clique of speculators at New Orleans who were willing to risk their money but not their lives, among them being John A. Quitman, who with others was indicted in July by the grand jury at New Orleans, but subsequently released. On April 25, 1851, President Fillmore, aware of these filibustering preparations, issued a proclamation warning citizens against taking part in any military expedition against Cuba, but it had little effect. Lopez continued his preparations and offered the command of the expedition to Jefferson Davis, then a United States Senator, who, deeming it inconsistent with his

* House Ex. Doc., 83, 32d Congress, 1st session. ↑ Chadwick, Relations of the United States and Spain, p 235.

Richardson, Messages and Papers, vol. v., pp.

111-112.

303

duty, declined the offer, but recommended Robert E. Lee. The latter, however, thought that his position in the United States army militated against such a proposal, and accordingly refused it. The result of these declinations left Lopez in supreme command.

The invaders first proposed to start from Savannah but the Government prevented this, and finally, on the morning of August 3, Lopez and 480 men succeeded in escaping from New Orleans in the steamer Pampero. On the 11th Lopez arrived in sight of Havana, and, turning westward, made for the place at which he meant to disembark, but when a few miles from Bahia Honda the steamer ran aground and Lopez was forced to land at Playtas. The force was then divided, Lopez with 300 men proceeding into the interior, while Colonel W. S. Crittenden, the chief officer, was left with 180 men to guard the stores until transportation could be obtained.† On the 13th Crittenden started to join Lopez, but was attacked by a superior force and routed, retreating, however, to the place of debarkation whence he and about 50 others attempted to escape in an open boat; but they were captured by a Spanish warship. On the 15th they were carried to Havana, tried and condemned by military court, and, on the

* Mrs. Jefferson Davis, Memoir of Jefferson Davis, vol. i., p. 412; Long, Life of Robert E. Lee, p. 72

Chadwick, Relations of the United States and Spain, pp. 236–237.

304

16th, publicly shot.* In the meantime, the government troops fell upon the force under Lopez, killed or wounded a large number, and compelled the others to retreat. Disheartened at finding the Cubans indifferent to the outcome of his expedition, Lopez took his men into the interior and sought refuge in the mountains, hoping to escape capture until, by some means or other, he could regain the coast.

The government troops, however, continued to pursue, and finally, on the 24th, Lopez and his little band were surprised and routed and four days later Lopez was captured. He was taken to Havana at night and on September 1 was garroted. Some of his followers were pardoned but, on September 8, 135 of them were sent to Spain where it was understood they were to be put to work in the mines. Those who remained at Havana were finally released through the efforts of Commodore Parker, and those sent to Spain were released in 1852.‡

On August 21 news reached New Orleans that Colonel Crittenden and 50 of his companions had been shot. It was learned at the same time that many of the victims had written letters to their friends, which had been

# Schouler, United States, vol. v., pp. 212-213; Rhodes, United States, vol. i., pp. 218-219.

See President Fillmore's message of December 2, 1851, in Richardson, Messages and Papers, vol. v., pp. 113-114; Rhodes, United States, vol. i., pp. 219-220; Schouler, United States, vol. v., p. 213; Von Holst, Constitutional and Political History, vol. iv., pp. 56-57.

Chadwick, Relations of the United States and Spain, pp. 237-238.

forwarded to the Spanish consul at New Orleans, and a report was circulated that these letters had not been surrendered upon request. This so incensed the people that a mob sacked the office of La Union, a newspaper which espoused the Spanish cause, broke into the office of the Spanish consul, defaced the portraits of the Queen of Spain and of the captaingeneral of Cuba, tore into pieces the

Spanish flag, and

Spanish flag, and destroyed much other property.* The Spanish minister at Washington demanded redress for the insult to his flag and pecuniary indemnity for the property loss. On November 13, 1851, Webster promptly acknowledged the wrong, expressed regret for the action of the mob, and stated that, when a Spanish consul was sent again to New Orleans, instructions would be given to salute the flag of his ship; Congress, later, also indemnified for the violence of the mob.||

In the autumn of 1851, two important events occurred illustrating the working of the Fugitive Slave Law. A Marylander, Edward Gorsuch, with his son, several friends, and a United States officer, all armed and bearing a

* Chadwick, Relations of the United States and Spain, p. 239; Von Holst, Constitutional and Political History, vol. iv., pp. 57-58.

Senate Doc. 1, 32d Congress, 1st session, vol. i., p. 44.

Ibid, vol. i., pp. 62-65; Webster's Works, vol. vi., pp. 507-512; Curtis, Life of Webster, vol. ii., pp. 547-557; Tefft, Life of Webster, pp. 439-440; Foster, Century of American Diplomacy, p. 328.

Rhodes, United States, vol. i., pp. 220–222; Schouler, United States, vol. v., p. 214.