374 THE DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION. CHAPTER VI. 1856. THE PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN. The nomination of Buchanan and Breckinridge - Frémont's nomination by the Republicans - Other nominations - Debate on Kansas affairs in Congress Reports of the investigating committee - The influence of Kansas in the campaign - Result of the election. The attention of the people was now divided between the troubles in Kansas and the party conventions which were held to nominate Presidential candidates. The most logical candidates for the Democratic nomination were Douglas and Pierce, both of whom were popular in the South and either of whom would have been eminently satisfactory to the party at large. While the South would have been solid for any Democratic nominee, the most important consideration was to nominate a man who could secure Northern votes. It was certain that all the slave States, with the possible exception of Maryland and Kentucky, would vote the Democratic ticket, but to secure the Presidency Northern votes were needed, and the States wherein Democratic votes were most easily obtainable were Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Indiana, Illinois, and California. Of these States Pennsylvania was considered absolutely necessary and therefore, since it was believed that James Buchanan could most easily carry the State, he seemed to be the logical candidate. The Democratic convention met at Cincinnati on June 2, 1856, and adopted a platform without opposition. The aims of the Know-Nothings were condemned; the Democratic party was pledged to resist all attempts to renew the slavery agitation; and it was resolved that the principles contained in the KansasNebraska Act be adopted as embodying the only sound and safe solution of the slavery question.* On the first ballot for candidates Buchanan had 135 votes, Pierce 122, Douglas 33, and Cass 5. Fourteen ballots were then taken without a choice, but Buchanan and Douglas gained at the expense of Pierce so much so, in fact, that Pierce's name was withdrawn. On the 15th ballot Buchanan received 168 votes and Douglas 118. After the 16th ballot had been taken (which showed practically no change) Richardson read a dispatch from Douglas to the effect that, as Buchanan had obtained a majority, he ought to be nominated. Accordingly Buchanan *For the text of the platform see Stanwood, History of Presidential Elections, pp. 200–204; Alexander McDowell, Platforms of the Two Great Political Parties, 1856-1908, pp. 5-11. See also Von Holst, Constitutional and Political History. vol. v., p. 340 et seq. For text see Flint, Life of Douglas, p. 88. CANDIDATES FOR THE REPUBLICAN NOMINATION. was given the unanimous vote of the convention and John C. Breckinridge, of Kentucky, was nominated for the Vice-Presidency.* The logical nominee of the Republicans seemed to be Seward, since no man in the country so fully represented Republican principles and aims. The more radical members of the party favored the nomination of Chase. There was a common objection to both Seward and Chase- they were too pronounced on the slavery question. Both had favored the abolition of slavery in the District of Coumbia and the repeal of the Fugitive Slave Law. The movement for the nomination of Chase never acquired popular strength outside of Ohio, and after April he was no longer seriously considered. At about the same time it became known that Seward would not be a candidate, since his personal enmities, his too Whigish views, and the question of availability forbade his nomination; moreover there was prejudice in the West against him because he was a New York politician. † During the winter, in casting about for a candidate, the Republicans lighted upon John C. Frémont. In *Stanwood, History of Presidential Elections, pp. 198-200; Rhodes, United States, vol. ii., pp. 169-172; Wilson, Rise and Fall of Slave Power, vol. ii., pp. 514-515; Nicolay and Hay, Life of Lincoln, vol. ii., pp. 38-39. Writing to Chase on April 8, 1855, Grimes said: "I think there is too much asperity of feeling throughout the country to justify us in placing Mr. Seward forward as the Republican candidate, and, to confess the truth, I must say I have a horror of New York politicians."Salter, Life of Grimes, p. 69. 66 375 April Frémont wrote a letter to Governor Robinson of Kansas expressing his warm sympathy with the Free State cause. At the same time this letter gave formal notice that he desired the Republican nomination.* Frémont had strong recommendations as a candidate. He was indorsed by the German press, had already been mentioned for the Presidency by Banks, had the backing of Francis P. Blair, Thurlow Weed, Horace Greeley, John Wentworth and Dan Mace; moreover he was not obnoxious to the Know-Nothings. His letter seems to have been favorably received, for Pike says that among the Republicans there was a strong current for Frémont, but mont, but some say it is set running by the politicians and will not do.”† Frémont had had no experience in civil life save a short term as Senator from California. The chief reason for his availability as a candidate was the fact that he was well and favorably known by the public for his daring and energetic explorations in the West. Around his expeditions clung a halo of romance and his love affairs added interest to his heroic exploits. ‡ He had become attached to the daughter of Senator Benton and their marriage had been extremely romantic. Being but 43 years of age, active and adventurous, he seemed fit to lead a young and aggressive party, and it was expected that the qualities which * John Bigelow, Life of Frémont, p. 447. Pike, First Blows of the Civil War, p. 322. Von Holst, vol. v., p. 371. 376 THE REPUBLICAN CONVENTION. had made him an intrepid explorer would render him fit for the executive office.* The only other competitor of note for the nomination was United States Supreme Court Justice McLean, of Pennsylvania. The Republican convention met at Philadelphia on June 17. The names of Chase, McLean and Seward were withdrawn, but before the nomination of Frémont took place, Thaddeus Stevens begged for delay because the name of the only man who could carry Pennsylvania, McLean, had been withdrawn and the Pennsylvania delegates wished time to consult in view of the changed conditions. The convention then adjourned and Stevens made an impassioned speech to his fellow delegates from Pennsylvania entreating them to support McLean unanimously, since he felt that the nomination of Frémont would insure Democratic success in Pennsylvania, not only in the State election but in the Presidential election. Accordingly, Judge McLean's name was again placed before the convention and, when an informal vote was taken, Frémont received 359 votes and McLean 196. A formal ballot was then taken and Frémont received all but 38 votes. William L. Dayton, of New Jersey, was nominated for the VicePresidency. On the informal ballot which preceded this nomination Abra *Bigelow, Life of Frémont; Merriam, Life and Times of Samuel Bowles, vol. i., p. 172. See also Rhodes, United States, vol. ii., pp. 177-181. ham Lincoln received 110 votes and N. P. Banks 46.* Meanwhile the convention had unanimously and enthusiastically adopted the platform. It was resolved "that the Constitution confers upon Congress sovereign power over the territories of the United States for their government and that, in the exercise of this power, it is both the right and the imperative duty of Congress to prohibit in the territories. those twin relics of barbarism, polygamy and slavery." The Administration was severely arraigned for the conduct of affairs in Kansas and it was resolved that Kansas should be admitted immediately as a State into the Union with her present free Constitution. It was resolved also" that the highwayman's plea that might makes right' embodied in the Ostend circular was in every respect unworthy of American diplomacy and would bring shame and dishonor upon any government or people that give it their sanction." The platform called for the construction of a railroad to the Pacific and for the improvement of rivers and harbors.t On February 22 delegates of the American party gathered at Philadelphia and nominated Millard Fillmore * Stanwood, History of Presidential Elections, pp. 204-205; Rhodes, United States, vol. ii., pp. 182-184; Nicolay and Hay, Life of Lincoln, vol. ii., p. 35. Stanwood, History of Presidential Elections, pp. 205-207; McDowell, Platforms of the Two Great Political Parties, pp. 12-14. See also Wilson, Rise and Fall of Slave Power, vol. ii., pp. 512-513. OTHER NOMINATIONS; TOOMB'S BILL. for President and Andrew J. Donelson for Vice-President.* The platform was non-committal on the slavery question. The Northern delegates had endeavored to secure the adoption of a positive expression regarding this subject but had failed, and therefore refused to participate in the nomination, 71 delegates withdrawing and issuing a call for a convention in June. The delegates who left the American convention held one of their own shortly before the Republicans and nominated Banks for President, but he declined, and subsequently the nomination of Frémont was indorsed. The North Americans (as the seceders were called) did not indorse Dayton's nomination, however, but named W. F. Johnston, of Pennsylvania.‡ After the party conventions had made their nominations, it was recognized that the vital question of the campaign was the attitude of the parties toward the Kansas situation. Senator Crittenden proposed that the President send Lieutenant-General * Stanwood, History of Presidential Elections, pp. 197-198; Wilson, Rise and Fall of Slave Power, vol. ii., pp. 508-509. Fillmore was indorsed by the Whigs at their convention in Baltimore on September 17. See Stanwood, pp. 210 213. For the platform see Stanwood, History of Presidential Elections, pp. 195-197. See also Rhodes, United States, vol. ii., pp. 119-120. Wilson, Rise and Fall of Slave Power, vol. ii., p. 513; Nicolay and Hay, Life of Lincoln, vol. ii., P. 35. The abolitionists who believed in political action had already nominated Gerrit Smith for President and Frederick Douglass for VicePresident, but it was understood that there were practically only three tickets in the field. 377 Scott to Kansas, since Scott would carry the sword in his left hand and "gentle peace" in his right hand; but the Democratic majority did not favor the proposition, and strong opposition came from the White House.* The Democrats realized the necessity of allaying the existing troubles in Kansas if they wished to carry the doubtful Northern States in the Presidential election. Accordingly, on June 24, Senator Toombs introduced a bill providing for a census in Kansas, for the registration as voters of all white males 21 years of age who were bona fide inhabitants on the day the census was taken, and for making the first Tuesday after November 1 the day on which delegates to a constitutional convention should be elected. The men thus selected were to meet on the first Monday in December to frame a constitution precedent to the admission of Kansas into the Union as a State. This bill was referred to the Committee on Territories, from which, on June 30, Douglas introduced a measure containing substantially all of Toombs' recommendations.‡ An animated debate followed. Such men as Hale, Trumbull, Seward and Simonton regarded the bill as eminently fair. Wilson asserted that it was un * Coleman, Life of Crittenden, vol. ii., p. 129. † Von Holst, Constitutional and Political History, vol. v., pp. 380-381. Johnson, Life of Douglas, pp. 300-301. See Congressional Globe, vol. xxxii., p. 1520, vol. xxxiii., pp. 778, 781, 789. In a letter to his wife, however, Seward calls the measure "the new sham, evasive Kansas bill."- Life of Seward, vol. ii., p. 280. 378 DEBATE ON THE KANSAS QUESTION. fair to register as voters only those then residing in the Territory, since a large number of Free State men had been driven out of the Territory and their leaders had been imprisoned or had fled to avoid arrest. The Democrats replied that Colonel Sumner had expelled Buford's men, but the Republicans easily proved that the Free State party had suffered more than their opponents in this respect. This objection, however, was obviated by an amendment proposed by Douglas on July 2 and agreed to.* The Republicans objected to the Territorial laws and, since some doubt existed as to whether the bill would abrogate the obnoxious laws, an amendment was adopted which in unequivocal terms rendered them null and void.† Under the bill five persons were to be appointed by the President and confirmed by the Senate to carry the provisions of the act into effect. This led to the interposition of another objection by the Republicans expressing their fear that the President would appoint persons antagonistic to the Free Staters, but this was met by the assurance of Cass that the President would impartially select the commissioners from all political parties. After this criticism of details the debate passed to the general principles of the bill. In their position respecting general conditions the Republicans were invulnerable. Seward argued against Congressional Globe, vol. xxxiii., pp. 773, 774, 795; Von Holst, vol. v., pp. 383-384. Globe, pp. 791, 799. the bill because it treated the subjects of slavery and freedom as if they were to be submitted to trial by the people, and intimated that he would be dissatisfied with any amendment that did not prohibit slavery in Kansas. Toombs and his Southern friends considered that they had yielded the full measure of justice when they offered freedom an equal chance with slavery, and in this stand they were supported by Douglas and his followers. On the other hand Seward maintained that the principle for which he was contending was more sacred than the other and demanded special protection from the general Government.* Finally, on July 2, Toombs' bill came to a vote and was passed by 33 to 12, the nays practically representing the Republican strength in the Senate.t The Republicans of the House then proposed, by a vote of 99 to 97, to admit Kansas into the Union under the Topeka Constitution. Early in the session Seward had introduced in the Senate a bill providing for this, and the Republicans gradually took that position. Seward held the opinion that his bill was a short and just way of settling the difficulty, as it would immediately admit Kansas as a free State. On July 3, after the Senate had adopted the Toombs measure, the Republican House passed a bill to let Congressional Globe, vol, xxxiii., pp. 756, 792, 795, 866, vol. xxxii., p. 1519; Von Holst, vol. v., 382. Rhodes, United States, vol. ii., pp. 189-194; Wilson, Rise and Fall of Slave Power, vol. ii., p. 502; Von Holst, vol. v., p. 389. |