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THE CONSTITUTIONAL UNION CONVENTION.

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Meanwhile another conventionthat of the Constitutional Union party had assembled at Baltimore. This party was composed mainly of former Whigs whose long-cherished political antagonisms held them aloof from the Democrats in the South and the Republicans in the North. They proposed to take a middle course between Democrats and Republicans and to allay sectional strife by ignoring the slavery question. Delegates of this party from 22 States convened at Baltimore on May 9 and, after adopting a platform, nominated John Bell, of Tennessee, for President, and Edward Everett, of Massachusetts, for Vice-President.*

The campaign was not so animated as that of 1856. One of the most striking features of the canvass was the personal pledge by every one of the candidates of devotion to the Union. Each of the factions in some form charged disunion motives or tendencies upon a part or all of the others, but each indignantly denied the allegation as to itself.† Had Douglas been the candidate of the united Democracy, the contest would have been close and exciting and the result

* Stanwood, History of Presidential Elections, pp. 225-226; Nicolay and Hay, Life of Lincoln, vol. ii., pp. 252-254; Wilson, Rise and Fall of Slave Power, vol. ii., pp. 689-690. The platform of this party is in Stanwood, p. 225, and Fite, Presidential Campaign of 1860, pp. 242-243.

Nicolay and Hay, Life of Lincoln, vol. ii., pp. 280-282. For the campaign arguments see Fite, pp. 132-204.

VOL. VII-28

doubtful, but with the split in the Democratic party Republican success seemed assured. Nevertheless, as the contest neared its close, it appeared to many that, although Douglas, Breckinridge, or Bell might not obtain a majority of the electoral votes, it would be possible to defeat Lincoln and throw the election into the House

of Representatives.* In this case Breckinridge might be elected, or, if the House failed to make a choice, Lane would become President by virtue of having been chosen Vice-President by the Senate.

The National election seemed to hinge on the result of the State elections in Pennsylvania and Indiana, for it was conceded that, if they went Republican, nothing could prevent the election of Lincoln. As a result of the panic of 1857 the iron trade of Pennsylvania was greatly depressed. The Morrill Tariff Bill, which was expected to relieve the situation, had been defeated by the almost unanimous vote of the Democrats in Congress; hence the Republicans of Pennsylvania stated that their party had shown greater devotion to the material interests of the State. Moreover, both the Douglas and Breckinridge forces had reaffirmed the Cincinnati platform of 1856 which declared for progressive free trade; therefore the Republicans pushed into

Von Holst, vol. vii., p. 213.

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THE STATE ELECTIONS.

prominence the tariff question and the watchword became "Protection to the home industries and freedom in the Territories.' Outside of Pennsylvania and New Jersey the tariff question was scarcely mentioned. As the canvass progressed Lincoln drew to himself many Douglas Democrats at the North, while Breckinridge drew away many of the Douglas adherents in the South. Efforts were made to combine the opponents of the Republicans. The followers of Douglas and of Bell and Breckinridge united in supporting the same ticket in Pennsylvania; and in Indiana, where Bell had little support, the Douglas and Breckinridge factions united on a single candidate for governor.

In Pennsylvania and New Jersey a partial fusion ticket was nominated and a more perfect one in New York.* Davis says that an effort was made to induce Lincoln's three opponents to withdraw in favor of a new candidate on whom " the divided friends of the constitution "might unite. Breckinridge and Bell authorized him to consummate this scheme if there were any prospect of its success, but Douglas rejected the proposal.†

Lincoln's personality counted for little in the campaign. It was conceded that he was thoroughly honest,

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but in the popular estimation his greatest merit consisted in the evident prospect of his carrying the doubtful States. He personally took very little part in the campaign, making no addresses, writing no public letters, and holding no conferences. Beyond a few casual interviews with the political leaders, the Presidential canvass went on with scarcely a private suggestion or a touch of actual direction from the Republican candidate.*

At the beginning of the canvass the Republican managers were reasonably sure of success in all of the important States but Pennsylvania and Indiana, but in early fall Vermont and Maine elected Republican governors by handsome majorities, and in October the Republicans carried Pennsylvania by 32,000, Indiana by 10,000, and Ohio by 12,000. Politicians generally conceded that the vote in these States foreshadowed Lincoln's election. † Upon receiving the October returns Douglas is said to have remarked: "Mr. Lincoln is the next President. We must try to save the Union. I will go South." The Presidential election occurred on November 6, 1860. Lincoln received

Nicolay and Hay, Life of Lincoln, vol. ii., pp. 286-287.

Nicolay and Hay, Life of Lincoln, vol. ii., p. 293; Rhodes, United States, vol. ii., pp. 498-499. Wilson, Rise and Fall of Slave Power, vol. ii., pp. 699-700; Johnson, Life of Douglas, p. 437.

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Growth of population

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ECONOMIC CONDITIONS.

The merchant marine

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Commercial

The Atlantic cable - The Erie Railroad war Agitation for tariff revision-The coinage act of 1853- The panic of 1854-The tariff of 1857The Morrill tariff bill.

The panic of 1857 Meanwhile other things besides the slavery question were claiming public attention. The country had grown enormously during the decade between 1850 and 1860, the population

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having increased from 23,191,876 to 31,443,321. Immigration, too, ex

*Fite, Presidential Campaign of 1860, p. 233; Greeley, American Conflict, vol. i., p. 328; Rhodes, United States, vol. ii., pp. 500-501. All three give different figures.

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POPULATION; THE MERCHANT MARINE.

hibited a marked increase over that of the preceding decade. From 1841 to 1850 1,713,251 immigrants and alien passengers had arrived in the country as over against 2,598,214 immigrants in the following ten years; and in the latter period the population of cities more than doubled that of the whole country, the percentage for city increase being 78.62, while for the entire country it was only 35.59. New York had increased from 515,547 inhabitants in 1850 to 805,651 in 1860; the population of Philadelphia at the opening and close of this decade was 340,045 and 562,529 respectively, of Chicago 29,963 and 109,260, St. Louis 77,860 and 160,773, Boston 136,881 and 177,812, Baltimore 169,054 and 212,418, Cincinnati 115,436 and 161,044, and New Orleans 116,375 and 168,675. San Francisco contained 56,802 inhabitants, outstripping Pittsburg's 49,217, with Detroit and Milwaukee a close second and third at a trifle over 45,000 each; while no other cities save Washington, Newark, Louisville, Providence, Albany, and Buffalo contained more than 50,000 persons.

The material progress of the country during 1850 to 1860 was greater than that of any preceding decade. Within this period several important inventions had been made, among them the harvester, the breech-loading gun, and the sewing machinethe latter on trial with but varying success, previous to 1850. The merchant marine had made rapid strides and many thought it destined to wrest

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from England the title of "mistress
of the sea. In 1847 Congress had
given Edward K. Collins a subsidy
of $385,000 for carrying mail across
the ocean, and on April 27, 1850, the
Collins line of steamships began to
ply between New York and Liverpool.
In 1852 the subsidy was increased to
$858,000 per annum, though the ar-
rangement was terminable by Con-
gress upon six months' notice after
December 31, 1854. Success then re-
warded the efforts of Collins and, on
April 8, 1854, his heart was gladdened
when the Baltic, one of his ships,
made the quickest westbound trip on
record 9 days, 16 hours, and 53
minutes; but only five months later
disaster clouded the prospect, for an-
other of his vessels, the Arctic, was
sunk off Cape Race with a loss of
more than 300 passengers. At the
next session of Congress the annual
subsidy of $858,000 to the Collins line
was granted and made absolute for
the remaining six years of the con-
tract, Congress waiving her previous
power to rescind the contract at six
months' notice; but on March 3, 1855,
the President vetoed the bill and, as
Congress could not pass it over his
veto, the subsidy remained under the
previous conditions.‡
previous conditions. Late in Jan-
uary of 1856 came another disaster,
when the Pacific sailed from Liver-
pool never to be heard from again.
Accordingly, in August of 1856, Con-

* Rhodes, United States, vol. iii., pp. 7-8. † Act of July 21, 1852.

Rhodes, United States, vol. iii., pp. 10-12.

THE ATLANTIC CABLE; THE ERIE RAILROAD WAR.

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It was during this decade also that the Old and New Worlds were connected by submarine telegraph, an achievement rendered possible by the indomitable energy and faith of Cyrus W. Field. Two unsuccessful attempts had been made that would have daunted a less heroic spirit. cable ships Niagara and Agamemnon met in mid-ocean June 26, 1858, having the cable equally divided between them and ready to pay out. A splice being made, the Niagara headed westward and the Agamemnon eastward. The cable broke twice but was mended, and finally the shores were reached and the cable lay between Trinity Bay, Newfoundland, and Valencia Bay, Ireland. This was on August 5. From the first, however, the line did not work smoothly and before the end of August there were sinister evidences of partial if not total failure, until finally, after a few feeble flutterings, the eloquent Alantic telegraph became silent. But Field was not one to be crushed, and in the summer of 1866 succeeded in establishing permanent telegraphic connection between Europe and America.

Prior to this time trouble occurred upon the Erie Railroad which is known as the Erie Railroad War.

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The managers had decided to improve the route between Buffalo and Erie by altering the gauge of the railway between State Line and Erie to conform with the gauge of the roads east of State Line and west of Erie, so that passengers might go without change from Buffalo to Cleveland. The railroad ran a short distance through the streets of Erie, and the municipal authorities of that town refused to permit the proposed alterations to be made unless the railroad officials would agree to certain seemingly unreasonable stipulations. The people of Erie objected to the gauge alteration because the transfer of passengers and freight brought prosperity to the borough. In spite of the objections, however, the railroad on December 7, 1853, began at State Line to change the gauge. When news of this reached Erie the citizens tore up the tracks and cut down the railroad bridge. The next day the people of Harbor Creek, about seven miles east of Erie, removed the tracks from the public highway. On December 10 the section including the new gauge was completed to the borough limits of Erie, but the mob, directed by the mayor and sheriff, tore up the tracks and plowed up part of the road. The railroad then secured an injunction. from the United States circuit court restraining all persons from interfering with the laying of the tracks, but an Erie justice of the peace pronounced the injunction null and void, and on December 27 the people dis

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