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make up the American Union. Of these nations all on the Western Hemisphere are republics. In Europe the downfall of the Roman Empire was followed by a relapse into more primitive organizations, followed by the feudal system and local despotisms based on military support of the ruler in return for protection in the possession of land. This statement of the general situation does not apply to every part, for there were parts of Europe where the feudal system never obtained. With the exception of these parts all Europe fell under the domination of kings who claimed to rule by right divine and without accountability to any earthly authority. The Roman Church added the weight of its teachings and influence to the pretensions of most of these rulers, and caused the overthrow of many who denied its authority.

Beginning with the French Revolution there has been a drift toward popular government, either in the form of a republic or a constitutional monarchy, with the real power in a representative body executing its will through a responsible ministry accountable to it. This drift has been greatly accelerated by the recent war, which has resulted in the overthrow of the imperial governments of Russia, Germany and Austria, and the abdication of minor kings and potentates. In Asia the great paternal despotism of China has been converted into a republic; Japan, the most exclusive of monarchies, has become a constitutional monarchy, a very great commercial and industrial nation, and the most progressive of all the nations, while the typical oriental despotism of Persia, which persisted through so many centuries, has become a constitutional monarchy. All the vast multitudes of India, with their diverse religions, customs and degrees of culture, are ruled by Great Britain. The great African continent is wanting in any strong native government. Egypt, though one of the pioneers in civilization so far as history advises us, is now under the guardianship of Great Britain. Ethiopia is still in about the same stage of development as in the days of Soloman. Morocco is under the joint guardianship of European powers, though its sovereignty is still recognized in form. Little Liberia, a republic on the western coast of Africa, maintains a

national existence, and is perhaps as nearly an independent power as any state on the continent. The general situation is that a larger share of the habitable globe is included in the territory of firmly organized governments than of the present continental possessions of the United States was included in the thirteen colonies at the time of the Revolution. Thirty-five new states, averaging much larger territorially than the original thirteen, have been admitted into the Union from territory then peopled by the scattered Indian tribes. New independent nations will doubtless soon emerge from the wild regions of Asia and Africa and claim admission into the society of nations. Though there is much diversity in forms and theories of government and law, the drift toward a uniform type is very marked and very rapid.

Every nation has its mouthpiece through which it speaks to other nations and its ear through which it hears from them. The capitals of all the great nations are connected with each other by telegraph so that communications may be passed between them instantaneously. When the American Union was formed it took weeks to send a message and get an answer from Boston to Savannah either by the slow uncertain sailing vessels or by the yet slower land conveyances. Intercommunication between the most remote capitals is now far more expeditious, reliable and satisfactory than between the capitals of the colonies in 1776.

Thus far the world has struggled on developing governments over the people of portions of the earth varying in extent, each claiming ultimate and absolute sovereignty within its own dominions and waging war at will against its neighbors on any pretext and for any purpose that it chose. No superior authority has existed with power to settle disputes, prevent aggression or redress wrongs committed by one nation or its people on another or its people.

Within each nation there is a governmental organization clothed with power to preserve order, restrain aggression, punish wrongdoers, and promote the general welfare. While there is very great diversity in the degrees of efficiency of these governments, in theories of political power, and in the details

of the governmental structure, all undertake to protect their citizens in their persons and property against violence and wrong from others. All forbid private warfare and punish those who wage it. In the exercise of its legislative function the government enacts laws, levies taxes, directs the expenditure of the public moneys and makes provision for the execution of its will. Its judiciary interprets the laws and applies them to cases as they arise. The executive carries the governmental will into effect, employing such organized force as may be necessary to overcome any resistance that may be offered. In despotic countries the executive acts without restraint and may not be called to account for his misdeeds. In free states all executive officers are accountable for their violations of the laws, whether committed with or without claim of authority. In autocratic countries subordinate officers are accountable solely to the autocrat. In democratic countries all officers, high and low, are accountable to the people or to such tribunals as they have established for their violations of the law.

While these differences in theory and practice are of the utmost importance in the regulation of internal affairs, the claim of entire freedom from all outside restraint has been maintained by all nations alike. Within each nation a citizen or denizen must not wage private warfare, but may apply to a court or other appropriate governmental agency for protection of his person or the enforcement of his rights, but nations have had no such alternative for the settlement of their controversies. The determining factor in every controversy between nations has therefore been might, not right. The inherent moral strength of manifest right may, and in the great war which has just ended has, attracted strength to aid weak nations, but superior might was the final arbiter. Its brutal strength may oppress and destroy as well as protect.

The unprecedented struggle which has just ended has made the world painfully conscious of the need of some efficient organization to prevent the horrors, brutalities and injustices of war, to force nations as well as private persons to submit to the rule of law and to win or lose their controversies according

as they are right or wrong, rather than because they are strong or weak. Not all wars, in fact but few wars, result from the denial of a clear moral right. Conflicts between nations arise from a multiplicity of causes, many of which cannot be classed as moral or legal issues. Of these by far the greater part would appear altogether inadequate if not quite insignificant to a disinterested tribunal.

WANT OF BINDING LAW AND SUPERVISING FORCE OVER THE NATIONS

While international law is not a myth but has real existence and is enforced in the domestic tribunals of each of the leading nations in controversies between the parties before them, if nations disagree no tribunal exists to which either may apply for the determination and enforcement of its rights. If nations disagree as to the true meaning and intent of the treaties they have made, no court has authority to settle their differences. The judgments of arbitrators to which they may submit their controversies are wholly dependent on the good faith of the parties to comply with them.

No nation has power to legislate for the high seas except for its own people. The navigable waters covering about three-fourths of the surface of the earth are common property of all nations in the government of which all have rights and interests, yet no power exists that is authorized to make laws governing their common use.

The nations may and do make treaties and conventions but these bind only such as consent and voluntarily submit to them. and only so long as they see fit to keep faith.

Among the advantages which may reasonably be expected to accrue from civil government of the world and the enactment and enforcement of binding international law may be mentioned:

The preservation of peace.

Relief during peace from the burdens of preparations for

war.

More efficient laws for the seas.

Laws regulating the international use of electrical force.

Laws governing the navigation of the air.

Higher conceptions of justice.

Greatly increased commercial and industrial activity. Cooperation of nations in vast undertakings for the common good.

Freedom of travel and association.

Increasing respect and good will resulting from better acquaintance.

Humane assistance to unorganized and undeveloped peoples. Utilization of the waste places of the world.

General advancement in moral standards and conceptions. All these advantages, so far as they relate to interior conditions, have accrued to the people of the United States as the result of their union under one efficient government for general concerns, leaving local affairs to the states. While it may be too much to expect these results in equal measure from any possible league or union of the nations, it seems at least a well grounded hope that a league, union or confederation of all nations whose governments are based on the theory of accountability of all officials to the people or their representatives, would produce results corresponding in main with those enjoyed by the people of the United States and resulting from their union of states. At the time the American Union was formed the colonies were thirteen separate sovereignties. By the adoption of the Constitution they ceded such attributes of sovereignty as were essential to their common safety to the general government and retained all others. Among the attributes so ceded was that of sovereign power to make war. No combination of the nations can be effectual for the needs of the world unless they, like the American States, cede to the general union of nations their sovereign right to make war and to do those things for the general good which the nations cannot do separately. It is equally important that they reserve to themselves the sole right to regulate their internal concerns. It would appear better to confer too little than too much power on the union or league but it must have enough to prevent war and all preparation for war. Europe is the part of the earth which has been most afflicted by destructive wars in re

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