same cause. Not that I would purchase even her amity at the price of taking part in her wars. But the war in which the present proposition might engage us, should that be its consequence, is not her war, but ours. Its object is to introduce and establish the American system, of keeping out of our land all foreign powers, of never permitting those of Europe to intermeddle with the affairs of our nations. It is to maintain our own principle, not to depart from it. And if, to facilitate this, we can effect a division in the body of European powers, and draw over to our own side its most powerful member, surely we should do it. But I am clearly of Mr. Canning's opinion, that it will prevent instead of provoking war. With Great Britain withdrawn from their scale, and shifted into that of our two continents, all Europe combined would not undertake such a war. For how would they propose to get at either enemy without superior fleets? Nor is the occasion to be slighted which this proposition offers, of declaring our protest aganst the atrocious violations of the rights of nations, by the interference of any one in the internal affairs of another, so flagitiously begun by Bonaparte, and now continued by the equally lawless Alliance, calling itself Holy."85

President Monroe chose to deal with the matter in the form

of a message to Congress delivered December 2, 1823, in which he said:

"At the proposal of the Russian Imperial Government, made through the minister of the Emperor residing here, a full power and instructions have been transmitted to the minister of the United States at St. Petersburg to arrange, by amicable negotiation, the respective rights and interests of the two nations on the north-west coast of this continent. A similar proposal has been made by his Imperial Majesty to the Government of Great Britain, which has likewise been acceded to. The Government of the United States has been desirous, by this friendly proceeding, of manifesting the great value which they have invariably attached to the friendship of the Emperor, and their solicitude to cultivate the best understanding

85 Jefferson's Works, IV, 381.

with his Government. In the discussions to which this interest has given rise and in the arrangements by which they may terminate, the occasion has been adjudged proper for asserting, as a principle in which the rights and interests of the United States are involved, that the American continents, by the free and independent condition which they have assumed and maintain, are henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any European Powers.

"It was stated at the commencement of the last session that a great effort was then making in Spain and Portugal to improve the condition of the people of those countries, and that it appears to be conducted with extraordinary moderation. It need scarcely be remarked that the result has been so far very different from what was then anticipated. Of events in that quarter of the globe, with which we have so much intercourse, and from which we derive our origin, we have always been anxious and interested spectators. The citizens of the United States cherish sentiments, the most friendly, in favour of the liberty and happiness of their fellow men on that side of the Atlantic. In the wars of the European Powers in matters relating to themselves, we have never taken any part, nor does it comport with our policy to do so. It is only when our rights are invaded, or seriously menaced, that we resent injuries or make preparation for our defense. With the movements in this hemisphere we are of necessity more immediately concerned, and by causes which must be obvious to all enlightened and impartial observers.

"The political system of the Allied Powers is essentially different in this respect from that of America. This difference proceeds from that which exists in their respective Governments. And to the defense of our own, which has been achieved by the loss of so much blood and treasure, and matured by the wisdom of their most enlightened citizens and under which we have enjoyed unexampled felicity, this whole nation is devoted. We owe it, therefore, to candour and to the amicable relations existing between the United States and those Powers to declare that we should consider any attempt on their part to extend their system to any portion of this

hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety. With the existing colonies or dependencies of any European Power we have not interfered, and shall not interfere. But with the Governments who have declared their independence and maintained it, and whose independence we have, on great consideration and on just principles, acknowledged, we could not view any interposition for the purpose of oppressing them, or controlling in any manner their destiny by any European Power, in any other light than as the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition towards the United States. In the war between those new Governments and Spain, we declared our neutrality at the time of their recognition, and to this we have adhered, and shall continue to adhere, provided no change shall occur which in the judgment of the competent authorities of this Government shall make a corresponding change on the part of the United States indispensable to their security.

"The late events in Spain and Portugal show that Europe is still unsettled. Of this important fact no stronger proof can be adduced than that the Allied Powers should have thought it proper, on a principle satisfactory to themselves, to have interposed by force in the internal concerns of Spain. To what extent such interposition may be carried on the same principle is a question to which all independent Powers whose Governments differ from them are interested, even those most remote, and surely none more so than the United States. Our policy in regard to Europe which was adopted at an early stage of the wars which have so long agitated that quarter of the globe, nevertheless remains the same, which is not to interfere in the internal concerns of any other Powers; to consider the Government de facto as the legitimate Government for us; to cultivate friendly relations with it, and to preserve those relations by a frank, firm, and manly policy; meeting in all instances the just claims of every Power, submitting to injuries from none. But in regard to these continents, circumstances are eminently and conspicuously different. It is impossible that the Allied Powers should extend their political system to any portion of either continent without endangering our peace and happiness; nor can anyone believe that our

Southern brethren, if left to themselves, would adopt it of their own accord. It is equally impossible, therefore, that we should behold such interposition in any form with indifference. If we look to the comparative strength and resources of Spain and those new Governments, and their distance from each other, it must be obvious that she can never subdue them. It is still the true policy of the United States to leave the parties to themselves, in the hope that other Powers will pursue the same course.'

1986

The wisdom of this policy seems to be fully established by subsequent history, for it has not involved the United States in any war, and, with a single exception, no European nation has interfered forcibly in the internal affairs of the American republics. This exception occurred during the Civil War in the United States. Napoleon III took advantage of the situation in Mexico arising from the confiscation of the church property by Juarez, his suspension of the payment of foreign debts, and the demands of France, Great Britain, and Spain, as principal creditors for payment, and of the inability of the United States at that time to interfere with his operations, to invade Mexico and establish Maximilian of Austria as emperor. France alone furnished the troops for the enterprise. The United States protested at the time of the invasion, refused to recognize Maxmilian, and after the termination of the Civil War demanded that the French troops be withdrawn, and proceeded to move troops toward the Mexican border. France yielded and withdrew the troops, and Maxmilian was speedily dethroned, court-martialed and shot.87

The doctrine was again asserted very vigorously by President Cleveland in 1895 in relation to the dispute between Great Britain and Venezuela over the boundary line between British Guiana and Venezuela. As the result of his stand denying the right of Great Britain to extend its possessions by force, the matter was submitted to arbitration and amicably settled.88

so Moore Int. Law Dig. 6, 401. Messages & Papers of the Presidents XI-787.

87 Wilson, History of the American People, V. 42. 88 Wilson, History of the American People, V. 245.

The annexation of Hawaii in 1898, though a departure from a strictly continental policy, can hardly be said to constitute a breach of the traditional policy of the government. The islands are nearer to America than to Asia. The assumption of possession of the Philippine Islands is a clear departure from the continental policy, if such possession is to be retained permanently.

Although the United States entered into the European war and fought on the continent of Europe in combination with the troops of the western nations, the cause of its entry into the war was the clear and repeated violation of its rights as a neutral nation. It happened to be the fact that these nations are all either republics or constitutional monarchies in which accountable ministers direct the executive departments of the governments and elective representative bodies exercise the legislative powers. The Central Powers and Turkey were dominated by military combinations under the command of hereditary rulers. If the purpose had been merely to aid the allied nations, the United States would still have been fighting in support of the ideals of Jefferson and Monroe, though on the soil of Europe. The rulers of all the powers that united to form the so-called Holy Alliance have been deposed and have left to their people the task of constructing new govern

ments.

At the time President Monroe announced the policy which has since been steadily followed by the United States the conditions were very different from those with which the nation. is now confronted. There was but one firmly established republic in Europe, Switzerland. Of the other governments that of Great Britain was the most democratic, but very far from being the popular government it now is. Austria, Russia, Prussia, and France under Bourbon rule, were united in the Holy Alliance for the avowed purpose of crushing all popular uprisings in Europe and ruling it by military force. When this unholy alliance proposed to restore the Spanish despotism in South America and asked the aid of Great Britain. in the undertaking it refused and placed itself in opposition to the scheme. Jefferson favored the acceptance of the British