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ing in the city, praying for the prosperity of your Government. Being ourselves in difficulty, and having created for ourselves our present position, if your Government has any favour for us, and will give us any instructions, we are quite able to face them all here. "We ire in expectation, and if you will silence them there (at Tehran), we are a match for them here. There was a person here who said he was connected with your Government, but we did not feel confident of the truth of what he Baid. In short, we have sent

to you, and whatever he says, you may consider as said by us; and let the Government be informed of the matter, for if they desire it, let them show us favour and feel quite confident in us, for affairs have now taken a very serious turn.

to Mr. Murray.

•After Compliments, (Translation.)

I Beo to inform your Excellency that we have taken certain steps, relying upon your assurances that it was for our good; but some persons have now changed their manner of behaving (meaning Prince Mahomed Youssuf), and our affairs do not prosper here. Some of your people are here, but we have not ventured to speak to them about our business. "We have, therefore, sent these letters to you to explain the matter. We have been the cause of these proceedings, being the Chiefs of the different tribes; we did it in accordance with the desire of your Government. Now affairs are in confusion here, and if it be the wish of your Government, we can command about 10,000 men; if you show us favour, we can get the better of them all here. One is on his side (Prince Mahomed Youssuf, apparently) and all the others are with us. Be good enough to let us know if you have any request. Every one is devoted to you and your Government, and considering you as their friend, they have sent a messenger to you, so that they may receive answers to their communications, and feel confidence in you, when they will serve your Government. You can determine as yon please. As it was requisite, 1 have written this letter. The bearer will mention to you verbally all other matters, and his word is deserving of credit.

(Inehture 2.)—Mr. Murray to Consul Stevens. (Extract.) Tabreez, January 17,1856.

I Hate received and read the three letters which were placed in year hands, and which you forwarded to me. They bear the seals of Heratee Chiefs of high rank. You may, therefore, convey to them the following reply to their communication:

* Autograph of the author.

In the first place I must observe1, that the letters contain several serious misstatements, which require correction: such, for instance, as " "We know your Government desired this dountry;" also that, "We have taken certain steps relying upon your assurances that it was for our good." Now, it should be known to the Chiefs who sent these letters that I never gave them any assurances, neither have I recommended them In take any steps whatsoever. It is equally incorrect to state that the British Government desires their country. These Chiefs should know that the British Government, some time ago, made an agreement with the Persian Government that neither party should meddle in the internal affairs of Afghanistan. So long as there is peace between Great Britain and Persia, the British Government cannot, and will not, break this agreement; neither will we permit the Persian Government to break it on their side. If they do, they must take the consequences that may follow. What the British Government desires is to see Affghanistan prosperous aud independent; we wish to have sincere friendship and extended mutual relations of commerce with the Affghans, and that they should arrange their own affairs of internal Government without: any interference either on the part of Great Britain or of Persia.

As to the tale of there being now in Herat an English subject connected with our Government, it must be a mere fable; at least 1 know of no such person.

After I heard that the Government of Herat had fallen into the hands of Prince Mahomed Toussuf, who bore the character of courage and ability, I hoped that the affairs of that city and country would improve and prosper in his hands. It seems from these letters that I have been disappointed in this hope, and that all is again intrigue and dissension. I regret this on account of the Affghans themselves; for all history shows that a country, however brave and1 warlike may be its population, which is divided by internal broils and dissensions, and solicits foreign intervention, is sure to be ruined in the end.

I repeat what I have before stated, that so long as we are at peace with Persia, we cannot interfere in the internal affairs of Affghanistan; neither will we permit the Persians to do so witk impunity.

I send you a translation of this letter. B. W. Stevent, Etq: CH: A; MUERAY.

JVo. 68.—Mr. Murray to theEarlofClarendon.—(Rec. atPari*\Mar.2.') (Eitmfct;) Tabreez, January 22,1886.

I Have the honour to inclose herewith a translation of a paper lately drawn up by the Persian Gdvernment; and sent, or about to be sent, to Europe for publication. As the falsehoods and calumnies against Her Majesty's Government and this Mission which it contains are too gross and palpable to be owned or defended, the Persian Government has adopted the clumsy contrivance of circulating this manifesto in the anonymous form of a letter from "Our Own Correspondent," and I am informed that it is to be printed in Constantinople. However the Persian Government may bo hereafter induced, by shame or fear, to disclaim the authorship of this scnrrilous libel, the evidence, both circumstantial and internal, is so clear as to leave no doubt on the subject. A fortnight before I received it, Mr. 8tevens wrote to me from Tehran that the Persian Government was occupied in drawing up such a paper, and that he would endeavour to get me a copy of it. He succeeded in doing so, and, on perusing it, I recognised at once the same falsehoods, the same pretexts, and, in many instances, the very same words that the Sadr Azim has used in his discussions with myself, so as to leave not a shadow of doubt that the paper has been drawn up under his direction. I have divided the translation into paragraphs (which division does not exist in the original), in order that I might add a few marginal notes where they might seem necessary. I have not thonght it requisite to call your Lordship's attention to the calumnies alleged against my predecessors—such, for instance, as those concerning Bokhara, Herat, &c, because they refer td matters already familiar to your Lordship, whereas some of the calumnies adduced against myself are ail improvement on those which have already been sent to your Lordship in an official form, and emanating from the same quarter.

The Earl of Clarendon. CH. A. MURRAY.

{Inclonure.')Paper drawn up by the Persian Ministers for pvhlica(Translation.) Hon in Europe.

1. Fkom intelligence received from Tehran, the capital of Persia, it appears that Mr. Murray, lately accredited to Persia as Minister Plenipotentiary, has broken off relations with the Persian Government, and has struck the British flag, which was the emblem of goodwill. This is the same flag which, from the first day, was hoisted in token of friendship and unanimity j and this is the same friendship on the maintenance of which the English always laid such itrtIS in any matter of great importance which they had to transact. Our correspondent, after carefully examining the information which reached him, and weighing the different points in the various reports «t Tehran, has arrived at the conviction that the true state bf the case is as described in the fdildwing statenieht:

2. * There can be no doubt that the British Government attached great value to the friendship of Persia, and it is equally clear that they had succeeded in making the Persian Government their sincere well-wishers. Our correspondent is of opinion that these sentiments are still entertained. But all the English authorities in Persia have been actuated in their conduct by personal feelings, and they have not only irritated the people and Government of Persia to such a degree that language cannot be found to express their dislike of the English Government, but they have caused a change in the feelings of the Persian nation. If the Persians considered the English their friends in former days, now, on the contrary, they look upon them as their bitter enemies, and believe that the English have sinister designs upon Persia, and wish to treat her as they would one of the Bajahs of Hindostan,t and that all the irregularities which British officers commit in Persia are undertaken under instructions from the British Ministers.

3. Although we are of opinion that the British Government could never sanction such proceedings on the part of their officers, still that Government has, on several occasions, treated the Persian Government in such a manner as to support the idea formed by the Persians. For instance, when "McNeill" broke off relations on the Herat question, although he was in the wrong, and the first improper step, which was at variance with the friendship existing between the two States, was taken by him, and he removed the British Mission from the Persian territory to that of Turkey, the British Government, instead of condemning the proceedings of McNeil], refused to receive in London Hussein Khan, the Adjutant-General, who was dispatched on a mission to England from the Persian Court. Hussein Khan was sent by the Persian Ministers to England for the purpose of proving to the British Ministers the justice of the course pursued by Persia. Why, then, should the British Ministers refuse admission to its dominions to the Ambassador of an ancient kingdom? Could they have put this disgrace on any other country, we ask, or made the resumption of friendly relations dependent upon the pleasure of their Ambassador, McNeill, without listening to the defence and just arguments adduced by the Persian Government? Erom that day the Persian people lost all faith in the friendship of the British Government; and, up to this

* This paragraph is very inconsistent. In the first instance, sentiments of friendship towards the British Government are still entertained hy the Persian Government. In the latter part of the paragraph, they look upon Ub as " their bitter enemies."

t The phrase about the Rajahs of Hindostan ie a favourite one of the Sadr's, and has been uBed by him more than once in conversation.

time, whatever proceedings were undertaken in Persia by the English authorities, however unjust, the Persian Ministers, although they knew that they were degrading to their country, still gave tho preference to the maintenance of friendly relations with England, and reluctantly submitted, knowing how difficult it was, nay, almost impossible, for the Persian Ministers to succeed in showing up tho conduct of the English officers to their Government. If they sent an Envoy, the English Government would not receive him, and if they sent letters, no answers would be vouchsafed; what, then, was the necessity for adding to their own humiliation?

4. Secondly, whenever the Persian Ministers found themselves compelled to report the unjust proceedings of the British authorities to the English Government through the medium of a direct communication in writing, no answer was given; or, if a reply was occasionally transmitted, they communicated it to their own Representatives, to be verbally conveyed to the Persian Ministers. "We are perfectly amazed to find how much, under such circumstances, the Persian Ministers prized English friendship, for no Government would submit to the discourtesy of being referred for an answer to tho verbal communication of the English Representatives, when they had written a direct appeal to the British Ministers in an official form. But a short time has elapsed since the Ameer of Bokhara refused to submit to an affront of this description, and the fate of Stoddart was the result.

5. Thirdly, whenever the British authorities commit an irregular act, and persist in it, they write a garbled account of the matter to their Government, and, after a short period, they come and inform the Persian Ministers verbally that the British Government have approved of their proceedings. This also shows how annoyed tho Persian Government must be with that of England.

6. Now we come to the irregular acts of the British authorities. As for McNeill, he made a pretext of the Herat question, and withdrew the British Mission to the Turkish territory; and the British Government, so renowned throughout the world for its justice and for its equity, although undeservedly so in our opinion, riding with its Bepresentative, and approving of his actions, adopted such harsh measures towards Persia, that she was compelled to relinquish Herat, a portion of her ancient possessions, and to deprive herself of the means of protecting Persia against the inroads of the AfFghans and Toorkomans, by whom she is greatly harassed.

7. Colonel Sheil, too, what harshness he employed during his reiidence in Persia, for very little matter; every kind of discourtesy and trouble were considered by him as permissible for the Persian Government. The first British Envoy who made tho Mission a sanctuary aud house of refuge for discontented persons, and mis

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