No.176.-Mr. Murray to the Earl of Clarendon.-(Rec. Jan. 22,1857.) (Extract.) Bagdad, December 22, 1856.

I HAVE the honour to inclose herewith, for your Lordship's information, a number of the Tehran “ Gazette," which has at last reached this place, with an abstract translation of such paragraphs as have any public or political interest.

The article commences with a recapitulation of circumstances already known concerning the capture of Herat, the only new feature being that the last Governor of that town had, in order to propitiate the Persian Court, jointly with Prince Sultan Moorad Meerza, sent to Tehran a certain number of coins bearing the name and legend of the Shah. As to the statements of the Persian Government in this paragraph, setting forth that the Heratees (who had freely shed their blood in defence of their town, and had lived for months on horseflesh and offal rather than surrender it) now regretted having been so long deprived of the benefits and blessing of Persian rule, I can only say that the Persian Government must have a very high opinion of the credulity of human beings, if they imagine that even the most blind and ignorant of their own countrymen can believe such manifest absurdity.

The Earl of Clarendon.

CH. A. MURRAY.

(Inclosure.)-Substance of an Article in the Tehran "Gazette" of the 28th Rebbiul-evvel (November 27, 1856.)

(Translation.)

HUSSEIN KHAN, who was some time since dispatched to Herat by the Persian Ministers, and who served during the siege of that place, as well as at its capture, arrived nine days ago at the capital, accompanied by Serdar Mejeed Khan and Ismail Beg, one of Sam Khan Elkhanee's people. He was the bearer of letters from the Prince Governor of Khorassan, Sultan Moorad Meerza, to the Shah, and was introduced to the royal presence by the Deputy Master of Ceremonies, when His Majesty was seated on the Peacock Throne in the Hall of Audience, holding a grand levée. After he had stated briefly the contents of the letters he had brought, Meerza Mahomed Tekee, the Lessan-el-Moolk, read them aloud, in the manner customary in Persia, to the Shah, and to all those assembled in His Majesty's presence. 1,000 gold pieces of the value of 58. each, which had been struck in the name of the Shah at Herat, were presented on the part of the Prince Governor of Khorassan, and 600 of the same coins on the part of Essan Khan, as offerings to His Majesty. They were examined, and approved of by him.

From what the Prince wrote, it would appear that after Herat had surrendered, and a garrison of Persian soldiers had occupied the city, his Royal Highness established order in the town, and general [1856-57. XLVII.]

X

rejoicings ensued. The Affghans of Herat perceiving the kindness and attention shown to them by the Prince, and finding that no one was allowed to molest them in the slightest degree, felt the greatest remorse at having permitted themselves to be led astray for such a length of time by interested parties, suffering thereby great loss and destruction of life and property, and at having deprived themselves of such blessings and benefits.

The Affghans believed that bigotry and ill-feeling still existed between the members of the Sheeah and Soonnee sects of Mahomedanism, and that on this account they would suffer severe wrongs at the hands of the besieging army; but they forgot that both Sheeahs and Soonnees are equally followers of the Mahomedan creed, and that although there are some trifling differences in their tenets, still they are not the less brothers in faith. As the order issued by His Majesty the Shah, and published some time ago in this "Gazette," enjoining the people of both sects, on pain of punishment, to avoid religious disputes, and treat each other with perfect forbearance and toleration, seems not to have reached these places, i the article in question is now republished as follows, the same, word for word, as it formerly appeared, so that people may not suppose that it applied to that particular period only, and that it does not continue in force at the present moment.

No. 177.-The Earl of Clarendon to Lord Cowley.

(Extract.) Foreign Office, January 27, 1857. IF overtures are made to your Excellency by the Persian Ambassador, you will express your readiness to transmit to London | any written proposals coming direct to your Excellency from Ferokh Khan which may be likely to lead to the restoration of peace; and if Ferokh Khan expresses a desire to see you, you will grant him a private audience; but you will make him clearly understand that you have no powers or instructions to negotiate with him. H.E. Lord Cowley. CLARENDON.

No. 178.-Lord Cowley to the Earl of Clarendon.-(Rec. Jan. 29.) (Extract.) Paris, January 28, 1857. CAPTAIN LYNCH, of the Indian navy, called at the Embassy yesterday, and finding me out, made the following communication to Mr. Atlee. He had, he said, been invited by Ferokh Khan to call upon him, and having answered the summons had, in the course of conversation, been requested by the Ambassador to state to me that his Excellency was desirous of seeing me; that he greatly regretted the hostilities which had broken out between his country

and Great Britain; and that he thought that the difference between the two Governments might be easily and satisfactorily arranged if I would grant him an interview.

I requested Captain Lynch to call upon me this morning. Before seeing Captain Lynch, I received your Lordship's despatch of yesterday's date, in which your Lordship has laid down the rules I am to observe in case any overtures should be made to me by Ferokh Khan. I therefore requested Captain Lynch to see Ferokh Khan, and to state to him from me, that I had no instructions which would permit me to enter into communication with him, but that if he had any communication to make to Her Majesty's Government with a view of terminating hostilities between Great Britain and Persia, I would request him to put it in writing, when I would, if I considered it satisfactory, transmit it to London; but that I must fairly inform him that it would be useless to send, and indeed I could not be the channel of conveying, propositions at variance with the demands made by Her Majesty's Government and already known to him.

I authorized Captain Lynch to add that if it would be a satisfaction to Ferokh Khan to see me, and to hear from my own lips a repetition of my answer to his message, I would not object to receiving him in private, but in that case I must beg that he might be accompanied by Captain Lynch alone.

Captain Lynch said that such had been the proposition made by Ferokh Khan himself.

The Earl of Clarendon.

COWLEY.

No. 179.-The Earl of Clarendon to Lord Cowley.

MY LORD, Foreign Office, January 30, 1857. HER Majesty's Government approve your Excellency's proceedings and language, as reported in your despatch of the 28th instant, on the subject of the request made by Ferokh Khan for an interview with your Excellency on the Persian question.

H.E. Lord Cowley.

I am, &c.

CLARENDON.

No. 180.-Lord Cowley to the Earl of Clarendon.-(Rec. Feb. 3.) (Extract.) Paris, February 1, 1857.

FEROKH KHAN having persisted in his desire to see me, and having reiterated, through Captain Lynch, his belief that an interview between us might lead to the renewal of friendly relations between Great Britain and Persia, I felt it my duty to receive him, and accordingly appointed 3 o'clock this afternoon for his visit.

He came, accompanied by his interpreter, and, at my request, by Captain Lynch.

After the exchange of compliments required by eastern etiquette, Ferokh Khan expressed in general terms his conviction that, although hostilities were waging between Great Britain and Persia, there was no intention on the part of Her Majesty's Government to inflict permanent injury on his country. He could not but hope, therefore, that he might be the means of restoring the amicable relations which had been so unhappily disturbed between the two Governments. He professed that the English alliance was, and always had been, the basis of his own policy, and he asserted that the maintenance of it was equally the policy of the Shah and of his Government.

I replied that Ferokh Khan was right in supposing that Her Majesty's Government had no wish to inflict permanent injury on Persia. Their desire was to see Persia strong, flourishing, and independent. They had been driven reluctantly into this war, in consequence of the conduct of the Persian Government. It was, therefore, in the power of the Persian Government to apply the remedy to the evil which they had themselves created.

When we had advanced thus far, Ferokh Khan did not appear inclined to continue the conversation. He thanked me for the kind way in which I had received him, and expressed the hope that I would permit him to return on some future day, when he would enter at large upon the questions in dispute between the British and Persian Governments, and offer such explanations as, he trusted, would lead to the restoration of peace.

I said to Ferokh Khan that I was ready either to listen to him at the moment, or to leave it to him to fix some other time. I begged him, however, to recollect that I had no instructions to treat with him, and that I could do no more than convey to Her Majesty's Government any message that he might like to entrust to me, provided I considered the terms of it to be of a satisfactory nature. I reminded him that negotiations had been broken off between Her Majesty's Ambassador and himself at Constantinople, in consequence of his not having sufficient powers to treat on all the points insisted on by the British Government; and I said that it would be useless to attempt to renew communications with Her Majesty's Government unless he was authorized and prepared to concede those points. Nor indeed, I continued, could I say that conditions which had been put forward before hostilities had commenced would now be considered sufficient, though it stood to reason that the sooner the terms asked for by Her Majesty's Government were conceded, the more likely it was that they would not be increased. If, after hearing this, Ferokh Khan determined

on making any statement to Her Majesty's Government through me, I must beg him, I said, to be clear, frank, and straightforward in his dealings; that, as far as I was concerned, I should be so with him.

Ferokh Khan, upon this, entered at once upon the points on which he had refused to treat at Constantinople, in the order in which I have now the honour to bring them before your Lordship.

First, then, he said that the Persian Government were ready to retire from Herat, to engage never again to attack that city, or to commit any aggresion on Affghanistan, and even to refer matters of dispute that might arise with the Affghans to the consideration of Her Majesty's Government, provided the latter promised their good offices to prevent the Affghans from attacking Persia. Subsequently, when I summed up the conversation which had passed between us, Ferokh Khan was less explicit on this latter point. He said that Persia never could forgo the right of repelling and punishing any tribes which might violate or disturb the Persian frontier. When, however, I explained to him that Her Majesty's Government, in desiring to be taken as mediators in all matters of dispute between Persia and Affghanistan, had no other object in view than the prevention of the renewal of the present state of things; that Her Majesty's Government had too great an interest in the welfare of Persia to encourage or countenance any attack on Persia, but that they were equally determined that Persia should not disturb the existing state of the tribes on her eastern frontier and that to agree to British mediation would not only not be derogatory to the dignity of Persia, but would be essentially to her interests; Ferokh Khan intimated that he would reconsider the question.

I proceed now to the second point adverted to by Ferokh Khan, namely, the settlement of disputed claims on the Persian Government.

He said that his Government would undertake to settle immediately all claims of bona fide British subjects, or of others acknowledged by the Persian Government to be under the protection of Great Britain; but he added, that the conferring of protection had been so much abused by British Agents, that protection would cover so many false claims of Persian subjects, his Government must refuse to enter into any engagement not limited as I have stated above. While on this point, and again when treating of that regarding the Consuls, Ferokh Khan entered largely into the way in which, according to his opinion, the privilege of protection had been abused.

I observed, in reply, that I was quite certain that, if the case was as he represented, he would find Her Majesty's Government