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is not the custom to prolong the servitude of slaves throughout the term of their lives; it is well known that they are usually liberated, sometimes within two or three years, and, at the latest, after eight or ten years' service. This part of the subject is, therefore, transitory, and must be passed over in silence.
The delivery up to the arsenal at Bussorah of a vessel carrying slaves, and taken by an English cruizer, calls for the thanks and acknowledgments of the Sublime Porte. The Governor-General of Bagdad has been instructed to take possession of the said vessel on behalf of the State, and to hand it over to the captain of the English cruizer for conveying to their country the slaves found on board of her.
The captain of the Messhaud, detained lately at Bengazi with slaves, as set forth in your Excellency's note dated the 10th January having committed an act of inhumanity, instructions have been sent to the Governor-General of Tripoli for his punishment, as well as the punishment of those among the authorities who have acted in contravention of the Government orders, according to their faults, and for the immediate liberation of the slaves found onboard that vessel, without reference to the period established, in consideration of the Bufferings undergone by them.
With reference to the steam-vessel Shadi, if it should be ascertained that she took negro slaves on board, the captain of her shall be duly punished.
Such, my Lord, is the broad resolution newly adopted by the Sublime Porte, in all sincerity (of purpose), and the several measures of detail consequent upon it, will, no doubt, be duly appreciated by her sincere ally the Government of Great Britain.
It is by His Imperial Majesty's commands that I now communicate them to your Excellency, and I avail, &c. H.E. Lord Stratford d» Bedcliffe. ETHEM PASHA.
(Inclosure 2.) — Lord Stratford de Bedcliffe to Ethem Pasha.
Constantinople, January 31, 1857.
The Undersigned has the honour to acknowledge the receipt of the official note which his Excellency Ethem Pasha has addressed to him under date of the 29th January, 1857.
The Porte in thus announcing its deliberate resolution to abolish completely the negro Slave Trade, with the view of putting an end even to slavery itself at an early period throughout the Sultan's dominions, has acquired an additional title to the cordial notice of the Governments and nations of civilized Europe, and to none more than to those whom I have the honour to represent.
The Undersigned abstains on this occasion from touching on the particulars of the note, whether they tend to heighten its general effect, or to limit for a time its complete operation. He will take the earliest opportunity of forwarding it to England, and cannot but anticipate the satisfaction which, with very little exceptions, it can hardly fail to afford to his Government.
The Undersigned, &c. Eihem Pasha. STEATFOED DE BEDCLIFFE.
M. 627.—TJie Earl of Clarendon to Lord Stratford de Bedclife. Mi Lord, Foreign Office, February 13, 1857.
I Hate received your Excellency's despatch of the 31st ultimo, inclosing a translation of the official note which has been addressed to you by the Ottoman Minister for Foreign Affairs, announcing the determination of the Porte to abolish the negro Slave Trade, with a view to the extinction of slavery throughout the Sultan's dominions.
Tour Excellency will take the means which you may think most expedient for making known to the Sultan the extreme gratification which this measure of humanity and wisdom has afforded to the Queen; and you will convey to the Ministers by whom the measure was recommended to the approval of their Sovereign the cordial thanks of Her Majesty's Government.
Her Majesty's Government entirely approve the ability and perseverance with which your Excellency has applied yourself to tho task of obtaining the suppression of the Slave Trade and of slavery in the Turkish dominions.
I have also to state that I approve the instructions which you propose to address to the British Consuls at Djedda, Hudideh, Moossul, and Alexandria, respecting the Slave Trade in Arabia. Those officers should be careful in reporting to your Excellency the manner in which the local authorities carry out the benevolent intentions of the Sultan. I am, Ac.
M.E. Lord Stratford de Bedclife. CLARENDON.
No. 683.—Mr. Lumley to the Earl of Clarendon.—(Bee. Dee. 15.) (Extract.) Washington, November 30, 1856.
I Hate the honour to inclose herewith to your Lordship a public document emanating from the chief magistrate of one of the sovereign and independent States of this Union, recommending the legalization of the Slave Trade.
It is the Message of Governor Adams addressed to the Legislature of South Carolina, on the occasion of their meeting at Columbia on the 24th instant.
Governor AdamB recommends the repeal of the Act of Congress declaring Slave Trade to be piracy, in order to remove the brand with which that law marks the possession of slaves; for he says," if Slave Trade be piracy, the slave must be plunder;" and he declares that the present position of the South can only be maintained by qheap labour, which can only be obtained in one way—by re-opening the African Slave Trade.
The Earl of Clarendon. J. SAVILE LUMLEY.
(Inclosure.)—Message of Governor Adams to the Legislature of
Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives,—The object for which you were recently convened in extra session has been determined. The popular vote has declared in favour of the party of our preference. The past admonishes us to reserve the full measure of our rejoicing to the day when the avowed policy of the party shall have been honestly carried out, when justice shall be re-established, and tranquillity restored to the country. Then, indeed, will the victory be one worthy of the strongest demonstration which patriotism can indulge. So far as the result may be regarded as a rebuke to that Northern party whose principle of cohesion is hatred to the South, we share in the general satisfaction. Considered in reference to the vital issue between the North and South, I fear that it will be a barren triumph—that it will prove to be at best but a brief respite of feverish exhausting excitement, destined to end in embittered feeling and distracted counsel among ourselves. Slavery and free soilism can never be reconciled. Our enemieB have been defeated, not vanquished. A majority of the free States have declared against the South upon a purely sectional issue, and in the remainder of them formidable minorities fiercely contended for victory under the same banner. The triumph of this geographical party must dissolve the confederacy unless we are prepared to sink down into a state of acknowledged inferiority. We will act wisely to employ the interval of repose afforded by the late election in earnest preparation for the inevitable conflict The Southern States have never demanded more than equality and security. They cannot submit to less and remain in the Union without dishonour and ultimate ruin.
The internal state of the commonwealth over whose affairs you are called to deliberate, exhibits a gratifying condition of general prosperity and contentment. The South has been mercifully spared the scourge of the "pestilence which wasteth," and our people have sown and reaped in peace. Impressed with a sense of our mutual obligations, and with hearts full of gratitude to God, we enter on the work of duty before us.
The profits of the Bank of the State for the last year amount to 280,460 dollars 40 cents, exceeding those of the previous year by 7,418 dollars 48 cents.
During the fiscal year, the public debt charged on the Bank has been reduced 4,340 dollars 78 cents. The President of the Bank informed me that he expected to make a further reduction of about 35,000 dollars, the arrangements for which could not be completed before the close of the fiscal year.
I refer you to the report of the Comptroller-General for a detailed statement of the financial condition of the State. Since the 1st of October, 1855, the public debt has been increased as follows: By issue of bonds to construct new State House 250,000 dollars; by subscription to Blue Eidge Bailroad 200,000 dollars.
The following table exhibits the debt, liability, and assets of the
3 and 5 per cent. State Stocks .. .. 123,407 62
Fire loan bonds 1,669,868 91
Bonder, new State House 500,000 00
Bonds, Blue Bidge Bailroad 400,000 00
United States Treasury surplus fund .. 1,051,422 09
Total 3,744,698 69
Guarantor S. C. Bailroad 2,000,000 00
Total debt and liability 5,744,698 69
Capital of Bank 2,770,807 53
Sinking Fund 1,490,386 55
Shares in railroads; par value •. .. 1,742,300 00
Cash on hand 1st October 139,625 66
Total assets ..6,143,114 74
I herewith transmit a communication from the Hon. "W. F. Colcock, inclosing a copy of a letter from the Secretary of the Treasury to the Lighthouse Board, and also a copy of the opinion of the Attorney-General of the United States, in relation to the provisions of an Act of the Legislature of South Carolina, granting sites for lighthouses. On reference to these comm
be seen that the General Government declines to proceed, on the ground that the consent given by South Carolina to the purchase, ia coupled with the condition that South Carolina retains the jurisdiction. Further legislation is asked. I think when the Southern States surrendered to the General Government the power to regulate commerce, they committed a great blunder; but that ia no longer a debatable question. If the necessities of commerce require the erection of the proposed lighthouses, I can see no good reason for declining to make the cession upon the same terms as other States have done. Whenever the people of South Carolina determine to dissolve their connexion with the General Government, the possession of a few lighthouses will interpose but feeble barriers to the execution of such a purpose.
The outward pressure against the institution of slavery should prompt us to do all we can to fortify it within. Diffusion is strength, concentration weakness. Our true policy is to diffuse the slave population as much as possible, and thus secure in the whole community the motive of self-interest for its support. I have no doubt of the inherent ability of the institution to maintain itself against all assaults. It is the basis of our political organism, and it would not be difficult to show that the poorest white man among us is directly concerned in its preservation ; but the argument of selfinterest is easy of comprehension and sure of action. I recommend the passage of-a law exempting from sale (under contracts to be hereafter entered into) at least one slave. Such an immunity would stimulate every one to exert himself to possess his family at least of a property in some decree above the casualties of debt. As you multiply the number who acquire the "property, so will you widen and deepen the determination to sustain the institution.
The consumption of cotton has steadily increased, and will in a few years exceed the supply—not from want, on our part, of land on which to grow it, but from want of operators to cultivate it. The demand for the article being greater than the supply, the price must go up, in the absence of all disturbing causes. As long as this continues to be the case, we must prosper; but the certain effect of high prices will be to stimulate the growth of it in foreign countries, and in time to destroy the monopoly which we have so long enjoyed. The possession of this monopoly is the chief element of southern prosperity, and the dependence of the manufacturing interests on us for a supply of this article will continue to prove to be one of our strongest safeguards. The amount of cotton now grown in the East Indies should open our eyes to our true policy. The idea that African slaves only can successfully grow cotton, is an entire mistake. Under British domination, free slaves are no* producing in the East more than the entire crop of The United