"Believing," writes Mr. Disraeli to the Marylebone electors in 1833, "that unless the public burdens are speedily and materially reduced, a civil convulsion must occur, I am desirous of seeing a Parliamentary Committee appointed to revise the entire system of our taxation, with the object of relieving industry from those encumbrances which property is more capacitated to endure."

"He had long been of opinion," says Mr. Disraeli, to the Aylesbury farmers in 1834, "that a conspiracy existed among certain orders in the country against what was styled the Agricultural interest."

Is not the Mr. Disraeli of Marylebone, and 1833, as widely separated from the Mr. Disraeli of Aylesbury, and 1834, as the North Pole from the South? He denounces in 1834, as conspirators, the men whom in 1833 he sought as allies: a fanatic devotee of urban interests in 1833, he is an equally fanatic devotee of rural interests in 1834.

The change in the prospects of the Conservative party appears to have had the effect about this time of making Mr. Disraeli seriously think of abandoning the double game of Liberal in town and Conservative in country; but for a while he still held himself open to offers from either political party.

"The Chancellor called on me yesterday," writes Mr. Greville,* on December 6, 1834, "about getting young Disraeli into Parliament (through the means of George Bentinck) for Lynn. I had told him George

* Memoirs, iii. 170. Fourth edition.

wanted a good man to assist in turning out William Lennox, and he suggested the above-mentioned gentleman, whom he called a friend of Chandos. His political principles must, however, be in abeyance, for he said that Durham was doing all he could to get him, by the offer of a seat and so forth; if, therefore, he is undecided, and wavering between Chandos and Durham, he must be a mighty impartial personage. I don't think such a man will do, though just such as Lyndhurst would be connected with."

Lord Durham, it may be as well to remind readers of this generation, was recognised in 1834 as one of the leaders of Radicalism; indeed, of the Whig aristocrats, he was the only one who was distinctly pledged to Household Suffrage and Vote by Ballot. Of the Marquis of Chandos something has been said already; suffice it to add that he was one of the stubborn band of Tories who denounced Sir Robert Peel when he passed Catholic Emancipation, and fought the battle against Reform after the Tory leaders had left the field. Lord Durham was a Radical leader among Whigs; Lord Chandos, an ultra-Tory leader among Tories; the politician who wavered between the two might well be called "mighty impartial."

It is evident, however, that a week or so after the entry in Mr. Greville's diary, Mr. Disraeli had made his choice, and that he chose to be a True Blue. On December 16, he delivered a long speech at Wycombe, the representation of which he was for a third time seeking. In that speech he said not one

word about Triennial Parliaments or Vote by Ballot; the entire address was one long argument in favour of the new Tory Administration.

We are, fortunately, not left to mere newspaper reports for an account of this speech. With his characteristic belief in the importance of everything he said and did, Mr. Disraeli afterwards published it in pamphlet form, under the title "The Crisis Examined." The speech was, as I have said, for the most part a strong plea in favour of the Ministry of Sir Robert Peel, which had just come into power; but it contained some expressions of opinion which the cautious leader of the Conservative party would not much care to have heard.

Ireland, at that period, as so often since and before, was the great difficulty of the Ministers; and the scandal of the Irish Church was the prominent part of the Irish problem. In these days, the tithes still existed, and their collection was attended with scenes of wild disorder and terrible cruelty, and sometimes with murderous encounters. Mr. Disraeli sympathised in "The Crisis Examined" most strongly with the hate of the Irish tithes, which was then felt by every man of just and humane feeling; and he gave, likewise, a hearty adhesion to the prevalent project for reducing somewhat the bloated proportions of the Irish Church.

"Twelve months, therefore," he said, "must not pass over without the very name of tithes in that country ". Ireland-" being abolished for ever; nor do I deem it

less urgent that the Protestant Establishment in that country should be at once proportioned to the population which it serves."* I ask the reader to carefully mark this declaration of opinion.

Equally zealous was Mr. Disraeli that the usurpations of the Church in England should be reduced in favour of the rights of Dissenters.

"As for the question of the Church rate," he said, "it is impossible that we can endure that every time one is levied, a town should present the scene of a contested election. The rights of the Establishment must be respected, but for the sake of the Establishment itself that flagrant scandal must be removed."†

Here, again, I ask the reader to take particular note of Mr. Disraeli's expression of opinion.

Another point of considerable importance, which Mr. Disraeli discussed in this speech, was whether Peel, now that he was in office, would be justified in passing measures to which he had been hostile in opposition. Mr. Disraeli decides this question emphatically in the affirmative.

"The truth is, gentlemen," he said, "a statesman is the creature of his age, the child of circumstance, the creation of his times. A statesman is essentially a practical character; and when he is called upon to take office, he is not to inquire what his opinions might or might not have been upon this or that subject-he is only to ascertain the needful and the beneficial, and the most feasible manner in which affairs are to be † lbid. 8.

* 1834 edition, 5.

carried on. The fact is, the conduct and opinions of public men at different periods of their career must not be too curiously contrasted in a free and aspiring country. The people have their passions, and it is even the duty of public men occasionally to adopt sentiments with which they do not sympathise, because the people must have leaders. . . . . I laugh, therefore, at the objection against a man that, at a former period of his career, he advocated a policy different to his present one: all I seek to ascertain is whether his present policy be just, necessary, expedient; whether, at the present moment, he is prepared to serve the country according to its present necessities." *

* Ibid. 16-17. In this speech was contained the famons Ducrow simile-one of the first specimens of that power of satirical illustration which Lord Beaconsfield has found so useful in his career. "The Reform Ministry, indeed!" said Mr. Disraeli. "Why, scarcely an original member of that celebrated Cabinet remained. You remember, gentlemen, the story of Sir John Cutler's silk hose. These famous stockings remind me of this famous ministry; for really between Hobhouse darns, and Ellice botchings, I hardly can decide whether the hose are silk or worsted. The Reform Ministry! I dare say now some of you have heard of Mr. Ducrow, that celebrated gentleman who rides upon six horses. What a prodigious achievement! It seems impossible, but you have confidence in Ducrow! You fly to witness it; unfortunately, one of the horses is ill, and a donkey is substituted in its place. But Ducrow is still admirable; there he is, bounding along in a spangled jacket and cork slippers! The whole town is mad to see Ducrow riding at the same time on six horses; but now two more of the steeds are seized with the staggers, and lo! three jackasses in their stead! Still Ducrow persists, and still announces to the public that he will ride round is circus every night on six steeds. At last, all the horses are knocked up, and now there are half-a-dozen donkeys. What a change! Behold the hero in the amphitheatre, the spangled jacket thrown on one side, the cork slippers on the other! Puffing, panting, and perspiring, he pokes one sullen brute, thwacks another, cuffs a