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vassals, sailed up the Thames, and appeared before London. The approach of such a formidable enemy threw the whole city into confusion. The king alone seemed resolved to defend himself to the last; but the interposition of many of the nobility, together with the submission of Godwin himself, at last produced an accommodation. It was stipulated that the earl should give hostages for his good behaviour, and that all foreigners should be banished the kingdom; after which Edward, sensible that he had no power to detain the hostages, sent them over to his kinsman the young duke of Normandy. Soon after this reconciliation, Godwin died as he was sitting at table with the king. He was succeeded in the government of Wessex, Sussex, Kent, and Essex, and in the office of steward of the household, a place of great power, by his son Harold, a man no less ambitious than his father; and, as he was of much greater abilities, he became a more dangerous enemy to Edward than even Godwin himself had been. The king knew no better expedient to prevent the increase of Harold's power, than by creating him a rival in the person of Algar, son of Leofric, duke of Mercia, whom he invested with the government of East Anglia. Harold, however, after some disputes, ultimately got the better of his rival, and banished him the kingdom. Algar, returning soon after with an army of Norwegians, invaded East Anglia; but his death in a short time freed Harold from all further apprehensions from that quarter. His power was still further increased soon after, by the accession of his brother, Tosti, to the government of Northumberland; and Edward, apprehensive that he would attempt to usurp the crown after his death, resolved to appoint a successor. He therefore sent a deputation into Hungary, to invite over his nephew, Edward, son to his elder brother, who was the only remaining heir of the Saxon line. That prince accordingly came over with his children, Edgar Atheling, Margaret, and Christina, but died a few days after his arrival. This event threw the king into greater perplexity than ever. Being resolved 10 exclude Harold, if possible, he had formerly designed to nominate his kinsman, William, Auke of Normandy, as his successor; but finding that the English would more easily acquiesce in a sovereign of the Saxon line, he had sought his brother's descendants. The death of his nephew, however, at this time, and the inexperience of young Edgar, made him resume his former intentions in favor of the duke of Normandy, though his aversion to hazardous enterprises engaged him to postpone their execution. Harold, in the mean time, increased his popularity by all possible means. He had no suspicion of the duke of Normandy as a rival; but, as he knew that a son and grandson of earl Godwin were in the hands of that prince, he feared that they might be made use of as checks upon his ambition, in case he attempted afterwards to ascend the throne. He therefore prevailed upon Edward to consent to the release of these hostages; and, having obtained his acquiescence, set out for Normandy, to bring them to England, attended by a numerous retinue. The motives of this journey of Harold's are, however, very obscure. VOL. VIII.

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The Norman writers say that he was sent on a message from Edward to the duke of Normandy, stating that he had nominated him his successor : others that he was merely making an occasional excursion along the channel, when driven over to the coast of France. Being driven, however, by a tempest on the dominions of Guy, count of Ponthieu, he was detained prisoner, and an exorbitant sum demanded for his ransom. Harold found means to acquaint William with his situation, when the duke of Normandy, desirous of gaining Harold over to his party, commanded Guy to restore him to his liberty. Upon this Harold was immediately delivered the Norman ambassador, and conducted to Rouen. William received him with great apparent friendship, but soon acquainted him with his pretensions to the English crown, and asked his assistance in the execution of his scheme. Harold was surprised, but, being in the duke's power, feigned a compliance with his desires, and promised to second to the utmost of his ability the will of king Edward. Still more to secure him to his interest, William promised him his daughter in marriage, and required him to confirm his promise of friendship by au oath. Harold readily complied; and, to make the oath more binding, William is said privately to have conveyed under the altar on which it was taken, reliques of some of the most revered martyrs; and when Harold had performed the ceremony he showed him the reliques, and admonished him to observe his solemn engagement. Harold, however, was no sooner at liberty, than he found himself master of casuistry sufficient to excuse the breaking of an oath, which had been extorted from him; and which, if kept, might be attended with the subjection of his country to a foreign power. He continued to practise every art to increase his own popularity; and availed him self with great adroitness of two occurrences at this time, which exhibited him to advantage. The Welsh had for some time made incursions into England, and had lately annoyed that kingdont so much, that Harold determined to undertake an expedition against the invaders. Having prepared some light armed foot to pursue them into their fortresses, cavalry to scour the open country, and a squadron of ships to attack them by sea, he reduced them to such distress, that they were obliged to purchase peace by sending the head of Griffin, their prince, to Harold, and submitting to the government of two Welsh noblemen appointed by Edward. The other incident was no less honorable to Harold. Tosti, his brother, had been created duke of Northum berland; but, being of a tyrannical disposition had treated the inhabitants with great cruelty and they rose in rebellion against him. Morcay and Edwin, two brothers, grandsons of the great duke Leofric, joined in the insurrection; and the former, being elected duke, advanced with an army to oppose Harold, who had been com missioned by the king to reduce and punish this faction. Before the armies engaged, Morcar en deavoured to justify his conduct, and represented to Harold, that Tosti had behaved in such a manner, that no one, not even a brother, could defend him without infamy: that the Northumbrians

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were willing to submit to the king, but required a governor that would pay some attention to their privileges, and they trusted that Harold would not defend in another that violent conduct from which his own government had always been free. This speech, accompanied with a detail of well supported facts, induced Harold to abandon his brother's cause; and, returning to Edward, he persuaded him to pardon the Northumbrians, and confirm Morcar in his government. He even married the sister of that nobleman, and, by his interest, procured Edwin, the younger brother, to be made governor of Mercia. Tosti, in a rage, departed the kingdom, and took shelter in Flanders with Baldwin, his father-in-law; while William of Normandy saw that now he had nothing to expect from Harold, who plainly intended to secure the crown for himself.

Edward died in 1066, aged sixty-five, and was succeeded by Harold II., with as little opposition as if he had been the lawful heir. The very day after Edward's death, he was anointed and crowned by the archbishop of York. The whole nation seemed happy to swear allegiance to him. But he did not long enjoy that station, to obtain which he had taken so much pains, and for which he seemed to be well fitted. His brother, Tosti, provoked at his success, exerted against him every enemy whom he could influence. The duke of Normandy was also enraged to the last degree at his perfidy; but, before he commenced hostilities, sent an embassy to England, upbraiding Harold with his breach of faith, and summoning him to resign the kingdom. Harold replied, that the oath with which he was reproached had been extorted by the well-grounded fear of violence, and for that reason could never be regarded as obligatory: that he never had any commission, either from the late king or the states of England, who alone could dispose of the crown, to make any tender of the succession to the duke of Normandy; and if he, a private person, had assumed so much authority, and had even voluntarily sworn to support the duke's pretensions, the oath was unlawful, and it was his duty to take the first opportunity of breaking it: that he had obtained the crown by the unanimous suffrages of the people; and should show himself totally unworthy of their favor, did he not strenuously maintain those liberties with which they had entrusted him; and that the duke, if he made any attempt by force of arms, should experience the power of a united nation, conducted by a prince, who, sensible of the obligations imposed on him by his royal dignity, was determined that the same moment should put a period to his life and to his government. This answer was according to William's expectations; and he therefore had already made preparations for invading England. He was encouraged and assisted in this enterprise by Howel, count of Brittany, Baldwin, earl of Flanders, the emperor Henry IV. and pope Alexander II. The latter declared Harold a perjured usurper; denounced excommunication against him and his adherents; and sent William a consecrated banner, and a ring with one of St. Peter's hairs in it. He was ultimately enabled to assemble a fleet of 300 vessels, on

board of which were embarked 60,000 men, and many distinguished personages. To embarrass the affairs of Harold more completely, William excited Tosti, in concert with Harfager, king of Norway, to infest the English coasts; and the confederates, having collected a fleet of 350 ships, sailed up the Humber, and committed great depredations in the neighbourhood. They were opposed by Morcar, earl of Northumberland, and Edwin, earl of Mercia, who were, however, defeated. But Harold having, on the news of this invasion, assembled a considerable army, engaged the enemy at Strandford, and, after a bloody battle, was declared victor. Tosti and Harfager

were killed in the action, and their fleet fell into the hands of Harold, who generously allowed Olaus, the son of Harfager, to depart with twenty vessels. He had scarcely accomplished his victory, when news were brought that the Normans were landed in Sussex. Harold's expedition had at this time considerably weakened his army. The action itself had cost him his bravest men; and he disgusted the rest by refusing to distribute the spoils among them He hastened, however, by rapid marches, to repel the new invader; but, though he was reinforced from London and other places with fresh troops, his friends were dispirited. Gurth, his brother, a man of great prudence and bravery, became apprehensive of the event; and entreated the king to avoid, for a time, a general engagement; or at least not to hazard it in person. But Harold was deaf to every thing like delay or compromise. Accordingly on the 13th October, 1066, the two armies met near Hastings, in Sussex, and prepared to decide, 'n the memorable battle of that name, who was to be master of England.

The night before the battle was passed very differently in the two camps. The English are said to have spent it in riot and disorder; the Normans in prayer. When, in the morning, both armies prepared for battle, William divided his into three lines; the first, headed by Montgomery, consisting of archers and light armed infantry; the second, commanded by Martel, of his bravest heavy battalions, ranged in close order; his cavalry, at whose head he placed himself, formed the third line, and were so disposed that they stretched beyond the infantry, and flanked each wing. Having given the signal of battle, the whole of his forces moved forward at once, and singing the famous song of Roland, a peer of Charlemagne's, advanced with alacrity upon the enemy. Harold had taken advantage of a rising ground, and, having constructed trenches to secure his flanks, resolved to stand upon the defensive, and to avoid all action with the Norman cavalry, his own being inferior. The Kentish men were placed in the van; the Londoners guarded the standard; and the king, accompanied by his valiant brothers, Gurth and Leofwin, dismounting from horseback, placed himself at the head of his infantry, and expressed a resolution to conquer or perish. The first attack of the Normans was desperate, but was received with great valor by the English: and after a furious conflict, which remained long undecided, the former, overcome by the difficulty of the ground, and hard pressed by the enemy, began to giv

way. Confusion was rapidly spreading among his troops, when William hastened, with a select band, to their relief, and restored their courage. The English then began to waver; and, the duke ordering his second line to advance, renewed the attack with fresh forces. Finding that the enemy, aided by the advantage of ground, and animated by the example of their prince, still made a formidable resistance, he suddenly commanded his forces to retreat. The artifice succeeded; the inexperienced troops of Harold were allured from their vantage ground, and, heated by the action, precipitated themselves into the plain. William now ordered the infantry to face about, and the cavalry to advance at the same instant upon their pursuers. The English were at once repulsed and driven back to the hill with great slaughter; where, however, being rallied again by the brave Harold, notwithstanding their loss, they maintained their post, and continued the combat. The duke tried the same stratagem a second time, with the same success; but, even after this doubtful advantage, he found a great body of the English, who, in firm array, seemed determined to dispute the victory with him. He therefore ordered his heavy-armed infantry to advance, while his archers, placed behind, galled the enemy, who were exposed by the situation of the ground. By this arrangement he at last prevailed. Harold was slain by an arrow, while fighting with great bravery at the head of his men. His brothers shared the same fate; and the English, discouraged by their fall, gave ground on all sides, and were pursued with great slaughter by the Normans. Thus was gained this decisive and hard-fought battle, which lasted from morning till sunset. William had three horses killed under him; and it is said to have cost him nearly 15,000 Normans. The loss was still more considerable on the English side. On the dead body of Harold being brought to the victor, he restored it, without ransom, to his mother.

We cannot better introduce, than in this place, those Supplementary Observations on the AngloSaxon period of our history, which the researches of modern writers (particularly Mr. Turner and Dr. Lingard), enable us to make.

Throughout the Anglo-Saxon period, Dr. Lingard has enjoyed the advantage of Mr. Turner's previous labors. Milton, it will be remembered, describes the various struggles for power during this portion of our history, as not more worthy a distinct narrative than the conflicts of kites and crows; and it was long the habit of our historians to neglect it accordingly. Hume disposes of the six centuries of important events which it involves its connexion with the foundations of our monarchy, the history of parliament, the genius of our laws and language, the trial by jury, &c., in one-third of his first volume. But to Mr. Turner and Dr. Lingard are we indebted for what may now be regarded as a complete illustration of its claims. Of no portion of our annals may the student of English history obtain a more accurate knowledge in his mother tongue; and the valuable information these gentlemen unite to furnish, is a lasting memorial of the importance of exploring the most thorny paths of history.

This period occupies nearly the whole of the first volume of Dr. Lingard's work, in 4to.

The writer here exhibits the ancient union of an elective with an hereditary character in our monarchy. The cyning, or king, was the noblest of the ethel, or noble-born. Before the light of Christianity had penetrated their superstitions in each of the Saxon dynasties, he could trace his origin to Woden. A religious veneration thus surrounded his person and family, which it became one of the first efforts of the Christian priesthood to continue, in coronation ceremonies and episcopal consecration. But the witan, or witenagemot, regularly elected the prince before he could be crowned. Looking with whatever feelings of regard and hope on the family of their former chiefs, they decreted upon the particular branch of it most eligible for the vacant throne. Hence we find, in the same coronation ceremonies, an elective rite of recognition,' as it has been called in modern times. The contemporary biographer of Dunstan (apud Boll. tom. iv. Maii 344), says 'ab universis Anglorum principibus communi electione.' He also intimates that Wessex and Mercia had not yet coalesced into one kingdom: ut in utraque plebe regum numeros nominaque suppleret electus.'

The witenagemot, the embryo of our modern parliament, was an assembly of the great and wise men,' poth of church and state. The AngloSaxon kings call them meorum sapientium archontum, conciliatorum meorum, my witan,' &c. Their functions were both legislative and judicial. But Dr. Lingard can find nothing representative in the character of any of its members. They were principally the spiritual and temporal thanes who held lands immediately of the crown, and who could command the services of those military vassals, without whose assistance the laws of that period could not have been executed. The signatures of many of their acts and decisions, which have come down to us, do not exceed thirty in number, according to this writer, and never amount to sixty. They usually consist of the names of the king and his sons, and sometimes that of the queen; those of a few bishops and abbots, one or two abbesses, and about the same number of temporal and spiritual lords. There exists no proof that the accompanying vassals were admitted to any share in their deliberations, although they are frequently mentioned as looking on and applauding.'

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Dr. Lingard disputes the representation of Mr. Hume and others, who regard the Norman Conquest as introducing the feudal system into this country. He traces the germs of that system in the earliest periods of the Anglo-Saxon government; and contends that they flourished in full luxuriance long before its termination. At the conquest, its various obligations and services only changed their names. In illustration of the strong tie by which the Saxon vassal held himself bound to his lord (the root of all the other feudal obligations), our author adverts to the memorable story of the murder of Cynewulf, king of Wessex. This story will also illustrate another feature in the Anglo-Saxon character-the fero

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city of their revenge. Thirty-one years after the death of Sigebyrcht, the predecessor of Cynewulf, Cyneheard, his brother, returned to the neighbourhood of Winchester to avenge his death. He was accompanied by eighty-four adherents.

It chanced one evening that the king left Winchester with a slender retinue, to visit a lady at Merton, to whom he was warmly attached. Cyneheard stole silently from his retreat, followed with caution the footsteps of the monarch: and in the dead of the night surrounded the residence of his mistress. Cynewulf was asleep: his attendants were dispersed in the neighbourmg houses. At the first alarm he arose, seized nis sword, and descended to the door, where he descried his enemy; and, springing forward, aimed a desperate blow at the head of Cyneheard. The wound, which was but slight, was quickly revenged by the weapons of the conspirators. Roused by the noise of the combatants, and the shrieks of the women, the king's attendants hastened to his assistance: but they found him breathless, and weltering in his blood. It was in vain that Cyneheard offered them their lives and possessions. They scorned his proposals and, after a long conflict, were all slain, with the exception of a Briton, who, in quality of hostage, had been detained in the court of Cynewulf; even he was severely wounded.

Early in the morning the news arrived at Winchester. The earldoman Osric, and Wiverth the thane, immediately mounted their horses, and rode to Merton, followed by their retainers. Cyneheard met them at the gate to justify his conduct, and solicit their friendship. He pleaded the obligation of revenging the wrongs of his family asserted his claim to the throne: offered them valuable possessions, and bade them recollect that many of his friends were their kinsmen. Our kinsmen,' they replied, 'are not dearer to us than was our lord. To his murderers we will never submit. If those who are related to us wish to save their lives, they are at liberty to depart.' The same offer,' returned the followers of Cyneheard, was made to the king's attendants. They refused it: we will prove to day that our generosity is not inferior to theirs Impatient of delay, Osric forced the barrier: he was opposed with the most desperate intrepidity; and the battle was terminated only by the failure of the combatants. Of Cyneheard's eighty-four companions one alone was saved. He was found among the slain, covered with wounds, but still alive; and owed his preservation to this fortunate circumstance, that he was the godson of Osric.'

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We have noticed Dr. Lingard's efforts to rescue the memory of the celebrated Dunstan from obloquy. Mr. Turner confirms our protestant antipathy to the character of this intriguing and ambitious ecclesiastic. He shows him to have seen a principal artificer in that system of pious frauds, by which the church obtained so lucrative an ascendancy over our Anglo-Saxon princes; and respecting which, it is his only excuse that his education would render him in part the dupe and the victim of them. He seems to have been born for better things; and was certainly better.

employed in painting a robe for a lady, which she afterwards embroidered,' than in following his sovereign into the privacy of domestic life, and dragging him back to an Anglo-Saxon banquet-although it was a coronation feast. But this outrage, and the subsequent cruelties said to be committed by Dunstan, partly on Elgiva, or Ethelgiva, Dr. Lingard, we have seen, in substance denies; and attributes almost incredible vice to the character of the ycang prince, to relieve that of the monk.

The copious Appendix I.' on the polity, feudal customs, ranks, laws, &c. of the AngloSaxons, is a very valuable portion of Dr. Lingard's work. We have adverted to some of his remarks on the prevalence of the feudal system amongst them. In their administration of justice he discovers the origin of most of our present courts of law. The sac and soc' was the lowest species of jurisdiction, perpetuated in the manorial courts of the Normans, and in our present courts leet and courts baron. The hundred notes assembling every month, under the presidency of the ealdorman or reeve, decided the more weighty affairs of the hundred, and was a public meeting for transacting and confirming important private business. Once a year an extraordinary meeting of the hundred mote was held, at which every male above twelve years of age was required to be present; and, on some occasions, the ealdorman called to his assistance the wise men of the neighbouring hundred, or the third part of the county-the 'tything.' The shire mote was of still higher dignity, and was held twice a year, in spring and autumn. All great proprietors of land were summoned, and the bishop and ealdorman, or earl, presided with equal authority. Here the laws of the witenagemot were recited; a definite judgment pronounced in all ordinary suits; and vows of obedience renewed to the king. The witenagemot, under the presidency of the monarch, had an unlimited control over the whole system. We should gladly extract this writer's entertaining account of the criminal proceedings of these courts, and particularly of the trials by ordeal, but our limits only permit a reference to them. The Anglo-Saxon crimes were those of every semi-barbarous people, drunkenness, theft, and homicide; the love of vengeance, and the perpetuation of family feuds. Their excellenciespersonal courage, and a devoted attachment to their chiefs, and their own political institutions.

In fine, on the comparative merits of Mr. Hume and Dr. Lingard, as historians, let the reader compare the account given by the former of the introduction of Christianity (it is a delicate subject for both writers) into the kingdoms of the Anglo-Saxon octarchy, with the following simple and animated passage of Dr. Lingard's work.

'At the death of Cealwin, Ethelbert had acquired (by what means we are not informed) the dignity of Bretwalda, and his authority was admitted by all the Saxon princes south of the Humber. While in possession of this dignity, he received intelligence that forty strangers had landed on the Isle of Thanet. These were Augustine and his associates, partly Gauls, partly Italians, whom pope Gregory the Great

had sent for the benevolent purpose of converting the pagans. Ethelbert could not be unacquainted with the Christian religion. It was probably the religion of the majority of the British slaves in his dominions: it was certainly professed by his queen, Bertha, the daughter of Charibert, king of Paris. The Saxon prince received the missionaries under an oak, in an open field, at the suggestion of his priests, who told him that in such a situation the spells of the foreign magicians would lose their influence. At the appointed time Augustine was introduced to the king. Before him were borne a silver cross, and a banner representing the Redeemer; behind him his companions walked in procession, and the air resounded with the anthems which they sung in alternate choirs. As soon as the interpreter had explained the object and motives of their mission, Ethelbert replied that he had no wish to abandon the gods of his fathers for a new and uncertain worship: but that as the intention of the strangers was benevolent, and their promises were inviting, they might preach with out molestation, and should be supported at his expense. This favorable answer filled them with joy; and they proceeded to Canterbury, chanting as they went, the following prayer:- By thy great mercy, O Lord, turn away, we beseech thee, thy anger from this thy city and thy holy temple, for we are sinners—hallelujah.' On the feast of Pentecost, in the year 597, Ethelbert professed himself a Christian, and received the sacrament of baptism; and, on the following Christmas, 10,000 of his subjects followed the example of their sovereign.' Vol. I. pp. 80-2. The corresponding passage in Hume is introduced in his best manner, offering a fair picture of the pagan superstitions and political prejudices, which were subdued in this peaceful extension of the faith. The reflections of Gregory on the sight of some British youths exposed as slaves at Rome, and the professions of Ethelbert above alluded to, are admirably wrought into the narrative; but ought our readers to forget, that onehalf of it is defiled by extracts from the correspondence of Gregory and Augustine, which no considerate parent would suffer to be read in his family; and that for the satisfaction of our young gentlemen who consult this historian for a knowledge of these events still more objectionable matter is appended in a long Latin note.

The conversion of Northumbria followed that of Kent, through the marriage of the daughter of Ethelbert to Edwin. Mr. Hume admits the ability and prudence of this prince, his hesitation about receiving the Christian doctrine, and his severe and long examination of its evidences. But the narrative of Bede, after which he here writes, (see his margin), contains the following beautiful episode on the claims of the Christian religion.

Having taken his resolution, Edwin called an assembly of his witan, or counsellors, and required each to state his sentiments on the subject. The first who ventured to speak was Coil, the high priest, who, instead of opposing, advised the adoption of the foreign worship. His motive was singular. No one, he said, had served the gods more assiduously than himself, and yet few had been less fortunate. He was

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weary of deities who were so indifferent or so ungrateful, and would willingly try his fortune under the new religion. To this profound theologian succeeded a thane, whose discourse, while it proves the good sense of the speaker, exhibits a striking picture of national manners. He sought for information respecting the origin and destiny of man. Often,' said he, 'O king, in the depth of winter, while you are feasting with your thanes, and the fire is blazing on the hearth in the midst of the hall, you have seen a bird pelted by the storm, enter at one door and escape at the other. During its passage it was visible; but whence it came, or whither it went, you knew not. Such, to me, appears the life of man. He walks the earth for a few years; but what precedes his birth, or what is to follow after his death, we cannot tell. Undoubtedly, if the new religion can unfold these important secrets, it must be worthy our attention.'

'Paulinus, the missionary, now explained the principal doctrines of Christianity, and Coiffi declaring himself a convert, headed a party to set fire to the neighbouring pagan temple of God mundham.' All this our popular historian dis misses by noticing only the conduct of the pries Coiffi.

We are surprised, however, that this intelligen writer affords us no summary of the state of the arts, and such sciences as were cultivated among the Anglo-Saxons. Can he have forgotten their love of music? Their cathedral chanting? Their illuminated missals, and other MSS.? Or their architecture? On these interesting topics we have only room for a few extracts from the important work of Mr. Turner.

Of their music and ecclesiastical chanting, the historian of the Anglo-Saxons, says, they had the instruments of chords, and wind-instruments. In the drawings on their MSS. we see the horn, trumpet, flute, and harp, and a kind of lyre of four strings, struck by a plectrum. In one MS. we see a musician striking a four-stringed lyre, while another is accompanying him with two flutes, into which he is blowing at the same time. In the MSS. which exhibit David and three musicians playing togethe., David has a harp of eleven strings, which he holds with his left hand while he plays with his right fingers; another is playing on a violin or guitar of four strings with a bow; another blows a short trumpet, supported in the middle by a pole, while another blows a curved horn. This is probably the representation of an Anglo-Saxon concert.

The chord instrument like a violin was perhaps that to which a disciple of Bede alludes, when he expresses how delighted he should be to have a player who could play on the cithara, which we call rotæ.' Of the harp, Bede mentions, that in all festive companies it was handed round, that every one might sing in turn. It must have therefore been in very common use.

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Dunstan is also described by his biographer to have carried with him to a house his cythara, which, in our language, we call hearpan.' He hung it against the wall, and one of the strings happening to sound untouched, it was esteemed a miracle.

The organ was in use among the Anglo-Sax

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